Introduction
The classroom is an important developmental context for adolescents in which experiences with peers affect their academic, emotional, and social development (Rubin et al.
2006). It is therefore important that adolescents perceive the classroom peer context as positive and safe. This means that students should feel comfortable around their classmates, feel included in the group, and experience few conflicts in the classroom (Boor-Klip et al.
2016). In particular, lack of victimization by bullies is an important aspect of a positive perception of the classroom peer context, given that victimization is strongly associated with negative social experiences at school and perceiving the school context as dangerous (Goldstein et al.
2008). Not all students experience the peer context in the classroom as positive. For instance, in the Netherlands 20% of the adolescents following the preparatory vocational education track (one of the three educational tracks in the Dutch secondary school system) experience problems with their peers (Stevens and De Looze
2018). Therefore, the aim of the present study was to examine the processes through which adolescents’ experienced peer context in the classroom is influenced by their classmates. The focus was on how adolescents perceive their classmates in general and specifically on experienced victimization by the adolescents themselves.
Modeling and Reinforcement
According to the social learning theory (Bandura
1978), two major ways through which peer influences occur are modeling and reinforcement. Through modeling adolescents learn new social skills and behavioral tendencies by observing their peers. They look at their peers’ behaviors and the positive or negative consequences these peers encounter. When certain behavior of peers has positive consequences, the adolescent imitates that behavior. When certain behavior of peers has negative consequences, it is less likely that the adolescent imitates that behavior. The second mechanism is reinforcement. Through reinforcement adolescents learn new behaviors and tendencies based on positive feedback of peers. Peers respond positively to certain behavior of the adolescent (e.g., by laughing, agreeing, giving a thumps up). This positive feedback increases the chance that the adolescent shows this behavior again.
Peers’ modeling and reinforcement can negatively and positively influence how adolescents perceive the classroom peer context. Peers can model behavior that violates community or societal rules, i.e., deviant modeling, or positively evaluate such deviant behaviors, i.e., deviant reinforcement (Piehler and Dishion
2007). Increases in both deviant modeling and reinforcement by peers have consistently been linked to increases in adolescents’ own deviant behaviors such as aggression, antisocial behavior (e.g., Dishion and Tipsord
2011), and victimization (e.g., Ando et al.
2005). These behaviors negatively affect the classroom peer context. In contrast, peers can model behavior according to prosocial values, principles, and actions with the intention to benefit others, i.e., prosocial modeling, or respond positively to such prosocial behaviors, i.e., prosocial reinforcement (Piehler and Dishion
2007; Memmott-Elison et al.
2020). Increases in prosocial modeling and reinforcement by peers have been linked to decreases in adolescents’ own problem behaviors, for instance, antisocial behaviors (e.g., Hofmann and Müller
2018), aggression, and depression (Memmott-Elison et al.
2020), but also to increases in adolescents’ own prosocial behaviors (Busching and Krahé
2020), positive interpersonal interactions in the class (e.g., Telzer et al.
2018), and prosocial goal pursuit (e.g., Barry and Wentzel
2006). This can positively affect the classroom peer context. Thus, increases in classmates’ deviant modeling and reinforcement may have a negative impact on adolescents’ perceptions of the classroom peer context, whereas increases in classmates’ prosocial modeling and reinforcement may have a positive impact.
Dyadic Mutuality
The relation between classmates’ modeling or reinforcement and the perceived classroom peer context may be dependent on dyadic mutuality. Dyadic mutuality indicates the degree of responsiveness, reciprocity and understanding shared between individuals. In dyads with high levels of mutuality, peers listen and respond appropriately to each other, are genuinely interested in one another, and express affection towards each other (Piehler and Dishion
2007). Dyadic mutuality refers to the
process of interaction and describes
how individuals interact, regardless of content (Harrist and Waugh
2002). Although dyadic mutuality is related to positive (e.g., satisfaction, intimacy) and negative aspects (e.g., conflict, dissatisfaction) of friendship (Piehler and Dishion
2007), it is not the same; “dyadic mutuality” indicates the interaction-style, whereas “friendship” indicates a specific type of relationship between individuals (Harrist and Waugh
2002).
Berndt (
2002) theorizes that adolescents are more strongly influenced by peers with whom they have high quality interactions, which is supported by empirical research (e.g., Barry and Wentzel
2006; Piehler and Dishion
2007). It is therefore important that research also focuses on the quality of interactions rather than solely on specific types of relationships (Berndt
2002). In the current study, dyadic mutuality was used to describe the variation in interaction quality between classmates. Given that there are various relations between classmates (e.g., (un)reciprocal friendships, popularity, conflictual relations; Juvonen and Ho
2008), dyadic mutuality is eminently suited to examine the extent to which adolescents are affected by peer influences in the class as it can be used to describe a variety of relations (Piehler and Dishion
2007).
Classroom Context
As most research examining peer influences on adolescents’ behaviors has mainly focused on the influence of friends (e.g., Dishion et al.
1996; Barry and Wentzel
2006), it is important to broaden the ecological validity of previous findings to the influences of not self-selected peer groups, such as classmates. The classroom peer context is a peer group that is not selected by the adolescent, but with which adolescents have to interact on a daily basis. Studying involuntary, not self-selected peer groups enables examining peer influences beyond selection effects (Juvonen and Ho
2008). This is pivotal since adolescents are exposed to the behaviors of all their classmates, not only to a selective group of classmates (e.g., friends, popular students; Busching and Krabé
2020).
Moreover, the classroom peer context is eminently suited to examine both deviant and prosocial peer influences. Given that the classroom peer context is a not self-selected peer group, there is a wider variety of deviant and prosocial behaviors than in self-selected peer groups (Busching and Krabé
2020). Although previous research examining peer influences often focused on either deviant or prosocial influences (e.g., Hofmann and Müller
2018; Juvonen and Ho
2008), in the present study both types of influences were examined in order to make a direct comparison between the two types of peer influences.
Discussion
Most research on peer influences has focused on peer influences of self-selected peer groups, i.e., friends. Less is known about peer influences of involuntary selected peer groups, i.e., classmates. It is important to study classmates’ influences since experiences with peers in the classroom can affect adolescents’ academic, emotional, and social development (Rubin et al.
2006). The present study examined deviant as well as prosocial influences of classmates within an experimental design (i.e., manipulation by a school-based intervention). The results suggest that classmates’ prosocial influences may be more influential concerning adolescents’ perceived classroom peer context than classmates’ deviant influences. No relations between changes in classmates’ deviant modeling or reinforcement and changes in the perceived peer context in the class were found. Increases in classmates’ prosocial modeling, though, were related to decreases in experienced victimization, especially when levels of dyadic mutuality between classmates were high. This means that it might be worthwhile for interventions aiming to decrease victimization to stimulate prosocial modeling in the class, although it should be noticed that changes in classmates’ prosocial modeling in the present study were not induced by the intervention, as the degree of change was similar in the intervention and the control condition.
The finding that an increase in prosocial modeling is related to a decrease in victimization is in line with the social learning theory (Bandura
1978) and has important implications for anti-bullying interventions. Classmates showing prosocial modeling are more inclined to show affiliation and involve all classmates in classroom activities degrading the level of exclusion and rejection (Juvonen and Ho
2008). Other students might imitate this prosocial behavior which results in less victimization. In contrast to Ando and colleagues (
2005), no relation was found between deviant peer influences and victimization. Given that Ando and colleagues (
2005) studied peer influences of friends and the present study influences of classmates, the difference in findings might indicate that the processes through which friends influence each other differ from the processes through which classmates influence each other. Thus, for diminishing victimization in the classroom specifically, it seems important to focus on stimulating prosocial behaviors rather than reducing deviant behaviors, which is in line with suggestions of Busching and Krahé (
2020).
The relation between prosocial modeling and victimization appears to be stronger when dyadic mutuality levels between classmates are higher. In interactions in which classmates are interested in each other, show affection, and are responsive, students appear to be more influenced by the prosocial behaviors of their classmates and might be more likely to imitate these behaviors, which is in line with previous research (e.g., Barry and Wentzel
2006). Hence, in addition to stimulating prosocial behaviors in the class, attention should be given to improving classmates’ mutuality in order to strengthen the positive effect of prosocial modeling on victimization. For instance, interventions could provide positive and fun exercises in the class in which classmates who do not interact on a daily basis work together. This might improve students’ emotions toward each other and their expectations for future interactions (Rubin et al.
2006) resulting in more positive mutual feelings and affection between students.
No relations between deviant and prosocial modeling or reinforcement and interpersonal relations in the class (i.e., perceived levels of comfort and conflict) were found. Perhaps, victimization might more strongly represent adolescents’ perceptions of the school context as dangerous (Goldstein et al.
2008), whereas interpersonal relations might more strongly represent adolescents’ feelings of social support in the classroom (Hopson et al.
2014). While perceptions of the school context appear to be influenced by experiencing and witnessing the behaviors of all classmates (Goldstein et al.
2008), perceived social support appears to be mostly influenced by friends (Bokhorst et al.
2010). Hence, maybe only modeling and reinforcement of friends in the class have an influence on perceived interpersonal relations in the class.
The absence of a relation between modeling or reinforcement and interpersonal relations in the class could also have a methodological explanation. The questionnaire regarding interpersonal relations in the class consisted of items referring to the class and classmates in general (i.e., assessing adolescents’ perceptions of their classmates in general), whereas the question regarding experienced victimization concerned the adolescents themselves. For instance, when adolescents indicated that there were conflicts in the class, they were not necessarily involved in these conflicts. In contrast, when adolescents indicated experienced victimization by bullies they were victimized themselves. Even though the used questionnaire gives a general overview of the interpersonal relations in the class, it does not indicate to what extent adolescents themselves are affected by the interactions and relations between classmates. Thus, future research examining interpersonal relations in the class should add questions asking to which extent adolescents are affected by the behaviors of other classmates.
The finding that the intervention did not change classmates’ modeling and reinforcement might indicate that modeling and reinforcement were not intensely enough addressed during this intervention or that the intervention’s time span was too short. More intensive attention to setting negative consequences for deviant behaviors and reinforcing prosocial behaviors in the classroom has been related to more positive behaviors of students (Phillips Smith et al.
2006). This classroom management approach is used during the intervention lessons, but may not have been used during regular lessons, limiting the opportunities for students to learn from prosocial models and refrain from deviant models (Phillips Smith et al.
2006). Another explanation might be that the intervention’s time span of approximately four months is too short. Studies showing a relation between peer influence and antisocial behavior use a time span from six months to one year (Sijtsema and Lindenberg
2018). Hence, an intervention time span of at least six months may be necessary to establish change in classmates’ modeling and reinforcement.
When considering the findings of the current study, it is important to note some strengths and limitations. A strength of the study is the use of observations to assess classmates’ influences and mutuality. Using observations modeling, reinforcement, and dyadic mutuality were directly coded without depending on subjective perspectives of students. Furthermore, both deviant and prosocial peer influences were examined in not self-selected dyads. This allowed us to examine negative as well as positive peer influences with reduced selection effects. Moreover, the present study had an experimental design with a pre- and post-measurement enabling us to examine changes in modeling, reinforcement, and the perceived classroom peer context.
A limitation of the present study is the somewhat small sample size. Even though the sample size is rather large for an observation study, it might be that due to the relatively small sample size some relations failed to reach significance. Additionally, no classroom characteristics were examined as predictors. Due to the limited number of clusters at classroom level the models were kept as simple as possible. However, classmates’ influences might depend on characteristics of the general classroom context such as class size or gender composition. Future research could focus on classroom characteristics and examine whether these characteristics influence adolescents’ perceived classroom peer context. Moreover, modeling, reinforcement, and the classroom peer context were measured at the same time point (i.e., post intervention). This time point was analyzed because the interest was in changes in modeling and reinforcement which were expected immediately after the intervention rather than between post and follow-up measurements (Beauchaine and Slep
2018). However, this approach limited the extent to infer causal order (Weeland et al.
2018). Furthermore, victimization was measured with only one item. Even though it is common in research concerning bullying to measure (types of) victimization with one item, it might be more reliable to use multiple items. In addition, the reliability of cohesion in the class was relatively low due to which this construct was not analyzed. Future research should aim to reliably measure cohesion and examine classmates’ influences on cohesion in the class.
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