Introduction
Adolescence is a critical period for learning effective emotion regulation. The significant emotional, social, and cognitive challenges (e.g., new academic pressures, the need to form new peer and romantic relationships; Rapee et al.,
2019) experienced by adolescents requires them to learn to cope with stress and regulate negative emotions (Riediger & Klipker,
2014)—influencing their intensity, duration, or frequency (Gross,
2014). However, younger adolescents spend less effort searching for ways to reduce stressors (Zimmer-Gembeck & Skinner,
2010), make use of more maladaptive regulation strategies, and employ adaptive emotion regulation with limited efficacy (Cracco et al.,
2017; Zimmer-Gembeck & Skinner,
2010; Zimmermann & Iwanski,
2014). This habitual pattern of emotion regulation may be problematic because difficulties in emotion regulation have been linked to maladaptive outcomes, including slower stress recovery and increased risk of experiencing common forms of psychopathology (Compas et al.,
2017; Gratz et al.,
2015), which dramatically increase in prevalence during adolescence (World Health Organization,
2005). Studying key sites where adolescents learn to regulate their emotions, and are impacted by adaptive and maladaptive emotion regulation, is therefore a priority. To date, relatively little is known about how adolescents’ emotion regulation difficulties shape their social and emotional functioning within one of the most important contexts—the school environment. This study addressed this limitation by mapping how emotion regulation mechanisms are related to behavioral and emotional engagement in learning activities as well as relations with peers and teachers.
School activities evoke positive emotions—such as enjoyment when learning new knowledge and skills or pride after succeeding at a test—but also negative ones—like frustration when attempting a difficult test problem, or anxiety about an upcoming test (Boekaerts & Pekrun,
2016). Extracurricular activities may also evoke emotions that emerge within the school environment, including the sadness of a romantic relationship break-up, anger after being slighted by a friend, or guilt about an earlier fight with parents. Learning and performing at school may both influence and be influenced by these emotional experiences. For example, positive emotions about school activities may help students imagine themselves realizing goals, creatively solving problems, and growing as a person. In contrast, negative emotions about studying and taking exams may hinder academic performance and increase school dropout (Clore & Huntsinger,
2009; Zeidner,
2014).
In studying emotion regulation within the classroom, it is important to distinguish different facets of emotion regulation. Emotion regulation involves various strategies that can be distinguished based on the stage of the emotion generation process they aim to modulate (Gross,
2014;
2015). According to the process model of emotion regulation (Gross,
2015), emotion regulation may influence emotion by changing which situations are encountered or how they unfold (situational strategies) or changing which aspects of the situation are attended to by reallocating attention resources between its emotionally relevant and irrelevant facets (attentional strategies). Emotion regulation strategies may also change how a situation is appraised, how it is construed or which goals it is compared to (cognitive strategies) or may change a situation’s experiential, physiological, or behavioral components (response modulation strategies). Other theoretical models (e.g., the adaptive coping with emotions model; Berking & Whitley,
2014) have proposed a set of interacting general skills that are necessary for effective regulation of various emotions. These skills include the ability to be consciously aware of one’s emotions and to correctly identify and label them. In addition, the ability to identify causes of one’s emotional experiences, actively modify emotions in an adaptive manner, and accept/tolerate negative emotions when necessary are considered important. Finally, the ability to approach and confront situations that trigger undesired emotions, as well as the ability to self-sooth in distressing situations, are considered key skills for effective emotion regulation.
Difficulties in emotion regulation may occur at various stages of the regulatory process. Guided by conceptual and empirical work, several dimensions of difficulties in emotion regulation have been distinguished (Gratz & Roemer,
2004). These dimensions provide a means to parse potential difficulties that students may experience when regulating various emotions evoked by school-related activities. Students may lack awareness of or attention to their own emotional responses (lack of emotional awareness) or have difficulties understanding or knowing their emotions (lack of emotional clarity). Moreover, students may have a tendency for negative or non-accepting reactions to their own distress (difficulties accepting emotional responses) or have difficulties controlling their behavior when they are upset (difficulties controlling impulses). Finally, students may hold certain beliefs that could disrupt emotion regulation. For example, they may believe there is little they can do to regulate or control their emotions when they are upset (limited access to emotion regulation strategies). Research has shown that these different aspects of emotion regulation difficulties are related to externalizing and internalizing problems (Neumann et al.,
2010).
Emotion regulation difficulties may interfere with both student engagement and social relations with peers and teachers. Student engagement refers to the students’ willingness to be involved in schooling, including by relating to others at school, engaging in learning activities, acting according to institutional values, and working toward academic goals (Skinner et al.,
2009). Engagement is an important predictor of student performance (e.g., Klem & Connell,
2004) and mediates the relation between students’ emotions and their academic achievement (Linnenbrink-Garcia & Patall,
2015; Pekrun & Linnenbrink-Garcia,
2012). Student engagement encompasses behavioral and emotional components (Appleton et al.,
2008; Fredricks et al.,
2004). Behavioral engagement refers to students’ effort, attention, and persistence while initiating and participating in learning activities (Skinner et al.,
2009). Emotional engagement includes positive and negative emotions about motivated participation during learning activities in the classroom (Skinner et al.,
2009). Distinguishing these two components of student engagement seems important to understand the role of students’ emotion (regulation) within the classroom. For example, research has shown that positive emotions—such as enjoyment of learning—are positively associated with behavioral engagement (e.g., Efklides & Petkaki,
2005; Pekrun et al.,
2002a), whereas negative emotions—such as hopelessness and boredom—are negatively associated with behavioral engagement (e.g., Linnenbrink,
2007; Pekrun et al.,
2002b). Yet, negative emotions may also have positive effects as they motivate students to perform better (e.g., feeling ashamed about a poor test result may motivate someone to study more; Linnenbrink,
2007; Pekrun et al.,
2002b; Turner & Schallert,
2001). Furthermore, motivational resilience models suggest that highly engaged students are not only less affected by stressful events related to school activities (e.g., challenging tasks), but they also use more effective coping strategies, such as help-seeking. The use of these effective coping strategies leads to increased persistence and re-engagement with difficult academic material. In contrast, less engaged students tend to be more discouraged when facing problems and apply more maladaptive coping strategies, such as blaming others, which in turn results in high levels of disengagement (Skinner et al.,
2014). Although some studies have focused on the relationship between emotions and student engagement, little is known about how difficulties in various facets of emotion regulation are related to student engagement in the school context.
Just as emotional experiences can influence student engagement, they may influence, and be influenced by social relations with peers and teachers. Emotion regulation has been linked to a sense of school connectedness, which refers to feelings of being accepted, respected, included, and supported by others in the school (Kopelman-Rubin et al.,
2020; Zhao & Zhao,
2015). Research has also shown that students with a high sense of connectedness at the start of a school year were more engaged, displayed fewer unpleasant emotions, and received more support from teachers and peers (Furrer & Skinner,
2003). Furthermore, it has been suggested that students’ emotion regulation choices can affect how they are perceived by others (Jacobs & Gross,
2014). For instance, it seems more likely that someone who is perceived as a happy student will receive more support from teachers and be seen as someone peers want to be friends with. By contrast, teachers may have difficulty forming good relationships with children or young adolescents who have behavioral problems (Jerome et al.,
2009). It has been suggested that when teachers invest in warm and close relationships with their students, this can help students’ engagement, and increase the use of more effective coping and emotion regulation (Shields et al.,
2001; Skinner et al.,
2014). These studies suggest that affective processes may modulate students’ social relations at school, though they lack specificity regarding which emotion regulation mechanisms may contribute to lower connectedness with teachers and peers at school.
Discussion
Emotion regulation is theorized to shape students’ engagement in learning activities, but the specific pathways via which this occurs remain unclear. This study examined how emotion regulation mechanisms are related to behavioral and emotional engagement as well as relations with peers and teachers during the global COVID-19 pandemic. When direct relations between emotion regulation difficulties and student engagement were inspected, this study observed that emotion regulation difficulties were differentially linked to components of student engagement. Higher levels of emotional engagement were uniquely related to greater recognition of and attention to one’s own emotions (emotional awareness) as well as a better ability to understand one’s own emotions (emotional clarity). Emotional engagement was also related to less endorsement of the belief that one can do little to regulate emotional distress (limited access to emotion regulation strategies). This suggests that those students who display negative emotions about participating during learning activities in the classroom may experience difficulties with emotional awareness, emotional clarity, and access to strategies to regulate emotions. With respect to behavioral engagement, only emotional awareness explained a significant portion of the variance. More active student participation in learning activities was related to higher levels of students’ recognition and attention to their own emotions. This indicates that adolescent students who are more aware of their emotional experiences try harder and are more persistent during learning activities. Of note, other aspects of emotion regulation difficulties, such as non-acceptance of emotional responses and impulse control difficulties, were not related to components of student engagement.
Causal discovery analysis suggested that student emotional engagement may increase access to emotion regulation strategies, with beneficial downstream effects on non-acceptance of emotions, emotional clarity, and impulse control difficulties. This suggestion is consistent with motivational resilience models proposing that highly engaged students tend to use more effective coping strategies, whereas less engaged students employ more maladaptive coping strategies (Skinner et al.,
2014). However, the suggestion that awareness and clarity of emotions may be
consequences, rather than
causes, of emotion acceptance and access to strategies that are perceived as effective is remarkable. Awareness and clarity of emotions are often considered key steps
preceding the implementation of effective emotion regulation strategies (Berking et al.,
2008). It is plausible that there may be a bidirectional relation. Adolescents who accept their emotions may be more able to accurately characterize them and notice their effects. This may lead them to a greater sense of clarity and awareness as they learn more about their own emotional experiences. Greater clarity and awareness of emotions, in turn, could prompt greater acceptance. However, these results from the causal discovery analyses should be interpreted carefully because the sample was relatively small for analysis with GFCI. The partial ancestral graph may therefore have omitted smaller causal effects (power analyses for GFCI are still under development). Moreover, the patterns of causation identified in this cross-sectional dataset may differ from those that unfold over time. Further research should re-examine this pattern of relations in longitudinal datasets. It should also be noted that GFCI assumes that causal graphs are acyclic (i.e., that there are no vicious/virtuous cycles of causation). Thus, potential causal cycles are not represented in the graph. This may explain why, for example, there was no evidence that emotion regulation feeds back onto teacher support or student engagement.
In the network analysis, emotion regulation difficulties were also linked to relationships with peers and teachers. Nonacceptance of emotional responses was negatively related to both teacher support and peer relationships. Adolescents who have a tendency for negative or non-accepting reactions to one’s own distress experience difficulties in interpersonal relations at school, including peers in their class and teacher support at school. Also, emotional awareness was uniquely related to teacher support. Being aware of their emotions and paying attention to them may enable adolescents to express their emotional experiences, which may then elicit supportive behaviors from teachers (Denham & Burton,
2003). These observations underpin the importance of accepting and awareness of emotional responses to building social relationships at school. This finding adds to prior work that specific emotion regulation strategies are linked to feelings of being accepted, respected, included, and supported by others in the school (Kopelman-Rubin et al.,
2020; Zhao & Zhao,
2015).
Moreover, it was found that impulse control difficulties were negatively associated with teacher support. This is consistent with previous work indicating that teachers find it more difficult to deal with students who express anger and that students with externalizing behavior problems are more often rejected by teachers (e.g., Frivold Kostøl & Cameron,
2021; Jerome et al.,
2009). Remarkably, impulse control difficulties were positively associated with peer relationships. This indicates that difficulties in engaging in goal-directed behavior when experiencing negative emotions was related to the perception of getting along with more students in the classroom. It is plausible that impulsive behaviors when experiencing negative emotions may elicit reactions from others that could be perceived as validating and supportive of one’s behavior. It is notable that peer relations were measured using a self-report measure of perceived acceptance and not through a peer nomination procedure to map relations among students. It is plausible that a person’s perception of peers with whom they get along does not match reality or the perception by the others in the group. These findings add to previous research showing that in adolescent samples, compared to samples of children, teacher support and peer acceptance may be disconnected. During adolescence, students turn less to their teachers as a source of social information about peers and peer relationships may be more important in guiding their behavior (Engels et al.,
2016; Weyns et al.,
2018). Together, these findings suggest that teacher support and peer relationships play a differential mediating role in the relationship between impulse control difficulties and components of student engagement.
As expected, network analysis showed that components of student engagement were linked to peer/teacher relations in the classroom. Consistent with previous work (Engels et al.,
2016), this study observed a unique relation between teacher support and adolescents’ behavioral and emotional engagement. When adolescents have more supportive relationships with teachers within the school, they also display more positive emotions about participating in learning activities and show more effort, attention, and persistence while initiating and participating in learning activities. This is in line with earlier work (Engels et al.,
2021) showing that warm and close teacher-student relationships increase students’ emotional engagement. The findings are also consistent with previous research showing that peer support positively predicts emotional engagement (Yibing et al.,
2011). Moreover, peer relationships within the classroom were particularly related to emotional engagement, but not to behavioral engagement. Through its connections with components of student engagement as well as specific emotion regulation difficulties, indirect paths emerged between student engagement and emotion regulation via relationships with peers and teachers. This further underpins the role of peer and teacher relationships in potentially adverse indirect effects of non-acceptance of emotional responses, emotional awareness, and impulse control difficulties on student engagements. Teachers and peers may serve as a source of support to help students to engage in learning activities.
The present findings have implications for daily classroom practices and interventions to promote well-being, social connectedness, and academic performance. First, the findings may inform school-based interventions for promoting students’ emotional well-being and academic performance. Indeed, helping students to regulate diverse emotions may stimulate their learning processes and increase academic performance (Jacobs & Gross,
2014). Broad social and emotional learning (SEL) programs have been developed and seem effective in improving prosocial behavior, school bonding, connectedness, and emotional distress (Durlak et al.,
2011; Taylor et al.,
2017). However, such programs typically lack specificity in terms of emotion regulation mechanisms targeted. Recently, a school-based emotion regulation intervention has been developed to target emotion regulation skills (Volkaert et al.,
2021). While this intervention yielded temporary improvements in depressive symptoms and self-esteem, there is room for improvement in terms of obtaining lasting changes. To obtain lasting effects, student curriculums could integrate parts of emotion regulation interventions (e.g., psychoeducation and exercises; e.g., Nathanson et al.,
2016) into the curriculum to facilitate key emotional awareness/clarity, acceptance of emotional responses, impulse control, and emotion regulation strategies during daily learning activities in the classroom. This may help to foster emotional well-being over time.
Second, this study’s observations point to the importance of caring teacher-student relationships to improve student engagement and mitigate emotion regulation difficulties. Teacher support mediated the relation between various emotion regulation difficulties and components of student engagement. To mitigate potential adverse effects of emotion regulation difficulties on student engagement (and vice versa), teachers could develop behaviors that support effective emotion regulation. To target impulse control difficulties, teachers could learn how to help students to control their behavior when they are upset. To facilitate students’ emotional awareness and acceptance of emotions, teachers could engage in conversation and discussion with students about diversity in emotional responses to classroom and life events, provide affirmation of the emotions students may experience and support them to express their thoughts and feelings (e.g., Frivold Kostøl & Cameron,
2021). Such skills of effective supportive behaviors could be trained as part of preservice teacher training. This training needs to inform candidate teachers about the role emotions play in the classroom and provide strategies on how to increase emotional student engagement and support students in regulating their emotions in various classroom situations.
Finally, peer relationships in the classroom also represent a potentially important target to mitigate adverse effects of emotion regulation difficulties on student engagement (and/or vice versa). To improve social integration within the classroom, teachers may need to counter the negative relation between nonacceptance of emotional responses and peer relationships. This could be achieved by monitoring students to better ensure that they do not judge emotions peers express and by teaching students to treat each other with respect. This requires teachers have a proper understanding of social-relational processes within the classroom. Again, such social and emotional skills could be trained as part of preservice and inservice programs.
Several limitations of this study point to future directions. First, the cross-sectional nature of this study weakens claims about causality. It is thus unclear whether emotion regulation difficulties have a negative impact on teacher/peer relationships and student engagement, or vice versa. Future longitudinal research with multiple waves of data collection is required to gain insight into the direction of relationships between emotion regulation difficulties, student engagement, and teacher/peer relationships. This seems particularly interesting now that students are returning to in-person schooling after the acute phase of the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic but are now experiencing higher levels of mental health issues (Holmes et al.,
2020). Second, the estimated network models did not consider the multilevel structure of the data (students nested within classes/schools). Because network analysis is still a relatively young analytic technique, there are currently no options to consider the multilevel structure of the data when fitting the network models (Abacioglu et al.,
2019). However, this study did not observe systematic differences between the schools with respect to the study variables, suggesting that it is warranted to aggregate across schools. Yet, future research should still aim to replicate the current findings in samples from schools that vary with respect to variables such as SES composition, or local educational indicators. Third, this study relied on self-report measures of the constructs of interest. Such measures represent respondents’ perceived rather than objective levels of emotion regulation difficulties, student engagement, and teacher/peer relationships. Future research could adopt a multi-informant approach including teachers’ assessments and/or a multi-method approach including classroom observations and peer nomination procedures to comprehensively measure the key constructs considered in this study. Finally, this study included schools with lower and higher SES composition of students as determined by Flemish educational indicators. However, given the sample size and the aim of retaining sufficient power for the main analyses, SES was not included as an exploratory node in the network model. Previous research found that socioeconomic risk, which included socioeconomic status, seems to be a risk factor for the family emotional context (e.g., adaptive parent emotion regulation, parenting practices, parent-adolescent relationship quality), which in turn dampens emotion regulation development during adolescence (Herd et al.,
2020). Based on these findings, it would be interesting to examine if differences in emotion regulation difficulties exist between students from diverse SES backgrounds and how this is related to student engagement and social support.
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