Introduction
Sexual orientation has been linked to adolescent mental and physical health, with lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) adolescents faring worse than heterosexual adolescents (for recent reviews see Institute of Medicine
2011; Mustanski
2015). Depressive symptoms rank among the most frequently studied mental health outcomes related to sexual orientation (Almeida et al.
2009; Jiang et al.
2010; Ueno et al.
2014; Wang et al.
2014). Cross-sectional studies have found higher levels of depressive symptoms for LGB people in comparison to heterosexuals, in adolescence (Marshal et al.
2011) as well as adulthood (Institute of Medicine
2011; Meyer
2003). Longitudinal studies on the topic are scarce, with exceptions relying largely on data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health (Add Health) (Fish and Pasley
2015; Marshal et al.
2013; Needham
2012). These studies found that, compared to heterosexual youth, same-sex or bisexually attracted youth experienced elevated levels of depressive symptoms in late adolescence (age 16), which persisted into early adulthood (age 29). What remains unclear, however, is (1) when disparities commence, (2) how they develop over time, and (3) what factors explain these disparities (Mustanski
2015). Aiming to fill these gaps, we examine from which developmental period disparities in depressive symptoms between heterosexual and LGB youth begin to occur and which factors act as catalysts of these disparities. Stigma and prejudice are arguably important antecedents of depressive symptoms in LGB people (Hatzenbuehler
2009; Meyer
2003). On the interpersonal level, LGB youth are at increased odds of being victimized by peers (Robinson et al.
2013; Williams et al.
2005) and of experiencing rejection by parents (Needham and Austin
2010; Pearson and Wilkinson
2013). Therefore, we study whether parental rejection and peer victimization mediate the potential association between sexual orientation and depressive symptoms.
The data used in the present study come from the TRacking Adolescents’ Individual Lives Survey (TRAILS), an ongoing prospective cohort study of Dutch youth that focuses on the development of mental health from childhood to adulthood (Oldehinkel et al.
2015). The Netherlands is generally thought of as an LGB-friendly country, known for its pro-gay legislation and relatively favorable public opinion about homosexuality (Lubbers et al.
2009; Takács and Szalma
2013; Van den Akker et al.
2013). One would thus expect that differences in health and well-being between heterosexual and LGB individuals are relatively small in the Netherlands. However, research on adults (Lewis
2009) as well as on adolescents (Kuyper
2015) found that Dutch LGB people experience disparities in health and well-being that are comparable to those found in other Western countries.
Sexual Orientation and Depressive Symptoms in Adolescence
A substantial proportion of people suffers from depressive symptoms at some moment during adolescence (Saluja et al.
2004). Depressive symptoms thus inflict a serious burden on adolescent mental health. Moreover, depressive symptoms in adolescence can lead to impaired mental health in later life, as suffering from depressive symptoms in adolescence was found to increase the chance of developing a major depressive disorder in adulthood (Aalto-Setälä et al.
2002; Hill et al.
2014; Pine et al.
1999). Of particular interest to the current study is that depressive symptoms are more prevalent among LGB adolescents than among heterosexual adolescents (Kuyper
2015; Marshal et al.
2011; Mustanski
2015).
The Minority Stress Framework serves as an explanatory theoretical framework for such mental health disparities by sexual orientation (Meyer
2003) in stating that LGB people are regularly confronted with stigma and prejudice related to their sexual orientation. Both the stigma itself and fear of stigma can have a negative influence on LGB people’s health and well-being. Furthermore, stigma and prejudice are thought to obstruct the extent to which LGB individuals feel free to express themselves and their sexual orientation to others. Moreover, stigma and prejudice can elevate LGB people’s negative attitudes toward their own sexual orientation (internalized homophobia, Newcomb and Mustanski
2010). By contrast, ameliorating factors (e.g., an accepting family, gay-straight alliances in high school) might buffer the damaging effects that stigma and prejudice can have. From the minority stress framework we take the assertion that the social context is a heteronormative structure that can be prejudiced and stigmatizing toward LGB people (assumption 1). This stigmatization can increase the risk of depressive symptoms for LGB people in comparison to heterosexual people (assumption 2) (Hatzenbuehler
2009).
Susceptibility to LGB-related stigma presumably starts in the life phase during which LGB youth start to become aware of their sexual orientation. Studies on the development of (same-sex) sexual orientations suggested that the average age of self-awareness of one’s sexual orientation lies around 8–10 years (Maguen et al.
2002; Savin-Williams and Diamond
2000). According to Herdt and McClintock, sexual attraction starts to develop during adrenarche, which describes the development of the adrenal glands in middle to late childhood (Herdt and McClintock
2000; McClintock and Herdt
1996). Adrenarche is the biological process that underlies the start of the first phase of pubertal development. This first phase of puberty is characterized by a lack of external physical signs of puberty such as breast, genital or pubic hair development. It is only in later phases of puberty (driven by the start of other biological processes) that (the development of) primary and secondary sex characteristics become(s) visible (Dorn et al.
2006). If the start of sexual orientation development follows from adrenarche, the development of sexual orientation is thus already underway when children are in a developmental phase labelled prepubertal.
In line with the literature, we assume sexual orientation to follow a developmental process (Saewyc
2011). Pubertal development after adrenarche might stimulate this developmental process, as it has been found to serve as an important predictor for the onset of sexual activity and pre-coital sexual developments, such as sexual ideation and non-coital sexual behavior (Baams et al.
2015a; Halpern et al.
1993; Smith et al.
1985). Further pubertal development could therefore serve as an amplifier of the sexual orientation development that started with adrenarche, and so lead to an increase of the disparities in depressive symptoms between LGB youth and heterosexual youth, due to an intensification of susceptibility to stigma and prejudice toward LGB people.
We argue that susceptibility to LGB-related stigma and prejudice might follow from the awareness and development of one’s sexual orientation, by arguing that adrenarche and further pubertal development are indicators for the development of one’s sexual desires. However, sexual orientation is a multi-faceted concept that, apart from sexual desires, also encompasses romantic or affectional desires and self-identification (Diamond
2003; Savin-Williams
2006). Affectional desires might be driven by different biological processes than the ones that drive sexual desires (Diamond
2003). In addition, recognizing and acknowledging one’s sexual orientation might not only be influenced by biological processes, but also the societal context in which one is growing up. For instance, although beginning awareness of sexual orientation typically coincides with adrenarche, variation exists, with some people becoming aware of their sexual orientation before and some after late childhood (Maguen et al.
2002; Savin-Williams and Diamond
2000). Nonetheless, we envision adrenarche to function as a mechanism that might serve as a starting point for sexual orientation disparities between youth that identify as heterosexual and youth that identify as LGB.
We expect the development of an LGB sexual orientation to be linked to an increased risk of depressive symptoms, because LGB youth are confronted with stigma and prejudice related to their sexual orientation, resulting in minority stress (Meyer
2003). On the interpersonal level, peer victimization and parental rejection were often found to be important sources of minority stress (Birkett et al.
2015; Rothman et al.
2012). That is, studies have shown that sexual orientation victimization partially explains differences in depressive symptoms within samples of LGB youth (Baams et al.
2015b; Birkett et al.
2015). Furthermore, probability samples have repeatedly shown that LGB youth are at greater risk of being victimized by peers compared to heterosexual respondents, which partially explains sexual orientation differences in (mental) health (Bontempo and D’Augelli
2002; Robinson et al.
2013; Williams et al.
2005). Studies from the Netherlands have found evidence in favor of these mechanisms as well. Van Bergen et al. (
2013) showed that high-school peer victimization was associated with higher rates of suicidal ideation and attempt within a sample of LGB adolescents. Furthermore, Dutch LGB youth experienced higher levels of victimization of homophobic name-calling and psychological distress (Collier et al.
2013; Van Beusekom et al.
2016).
Empirical evidence paints a similar picture with regard to parent–child relationships, another important source of stress within the minority stress framework. First, studies employing convenience samples from the US showed that parental rejection and parental support partly explained differences in psychological distress between LGB adolescents (Bouris et al.
2010; Puckett et al.
2015; Rothman et al.
2012; Ryan et al.
2009). Furthermore, studies on Add Health data suggested that (lack of) parental support partially mediates the association between same-sex attraction and decreased mental health (Needham and Austin
2010; Pearson and Wilkinson
2013; Teasdale and Bradley-Engen
2010). Within the Netherlands, similar mechanisms have been detected (Kuyper
2015; Van Bergen et al.
2013). In this study, we will also focus on the effect of peer victimization and parental rejection on depressive symptom levels of LGB youth and expect that these interpersonal mechanisms explain the association between sexual orientation and depressive symptoms at least partly.
Differences Within the LGB Group
Thus far in our argument, we considered LGB adolescents to be a homogenous group, ignoring possible differences in sexual orientation disparities within the LGB group. Most prominently, differences could arise between boys and girls or between bisexuals and gays/lesbians. Although a meta-analysis on sexual orientation differences in depressive symptoms in adolescence found that gender did not moderate this association (Marshal et al.
2011), research has repeatedly shown that women experience elevated levels of depressive symptoms in comparison to men (e.g., Girgus and Yang
2015) and that girls develop an increased vulnerability for depressive symptoms compared to boys from early adolescence onwards (Oldehinkel et al.
2011; Petersen et al.
1991). This gender gap in depressive symptoms from early adolescence onwards has been related to a heightened affiliative need for girls in this developmental period (Cyranowski et al.
2000; Larson and Richards
1989). Personal characteristics that contrast group norms, such as a lesbian or bisexual orientation, might be particularly stressful for adolescent girls, as these may distort this heightened affiliative need. On the other hand, attitudes have been shown to be more negative toward GB men than toward LB women (Kite and Whitley
2003). Also, GB men are more frequently victimized and discriminated than LB women (Almeida et al.
2009; D’Augelli et al.
2002; Meyer et al.
2008), although this difference appears to be less pronounced in the Netherlands (Kuyper and Fokkema
2011). Thus, examining gender differences in the association between sexual orientation and depressive symptoms is worthwhile.
In addition, we examine whether the association between sexual orientation and depressive symptoms differs for bisexuals in comparison to gays/lesbians. There are several reasons why bisexual experiences may differ in salient ways from that of ‘monosexual’ (hetero- and homo-sexual) individuals, as bisexuals refuse dichotomous notions of gender and sexuality and acknowledge fluid desires (Carr
2006; Pramaggiore
2002). This could lead to bisexuality being perceived as something that does not exist, or an unstable combination of heterosexuality and homosexuality (Rust
2000,
2002). Empirical evidence with regard to differences between bisexual and gay/lesbian youth in terms of mental health problems is mixed. A meta-analysis by Marshal et al. (
2011) led to the conclusion that bisexuality did not significantly moderate the association between sexual orientation and depressive symptoms in adolescence. Substantial variation between studies exists however, with some studies suggesting that bisexuals are at greater risk of mental health problems (Bostwick et al.
2010; Marshal et al.
2013) and some studies finding no statistically significant differences between bisexuals and gays/lesbians (Bostwick et al.
2014; Needham and Austin
2010). From both a theoretical and an empirical point of view, there are thus reasons to explore whether differences with heterosexuals in depressive symptoms are different for bisexuals than for gays and lesbians.
Current Study
The aims of this study were to examine from what developmental period onwards disparities in depressive symptoms between heterosexual and LGB youth start to occur, how these disparities develop over time and what factors act as catalysts of these disparities. We argue that LGB youth begin to develop an increased risk of depressive symptoms from the period at which they start to become aware of their sexual orientation, as we expect them to experience a heightened susceptibility to LGB-related stigma and prejudice from that period onwards. We expect initial sexual orientation development to be stimulated at least partly by adrenarche, a bio-developmental process that occurs in late childhood. Therefore, our first hypothesis is that in late childhood, LGB youth already have higher levels of depressive symptoms than heterosexual youth (H1).
We furthermore assume sexual orientation to follow a developmental process (Saewyc
2011). Pubertal development after adrenarche might stimulate this developmental process, as it has been found to serve as an important predictor for the onset of sexual activity and pre-coital sexual developments, such as sexual ideation and non-coital sexual behavior (Baams et al.
2015a; Halpern et al.
1993; Smith et al.
1985). Further pubertal development could therefore serve as an amplifier of the sexual orientation development that started with adrenarche and increase the disparities in depressive symptoms between LGB youth and heterosexual youth through an intensification of susceptibility to stigma and prejudice toward LGB people. In short, we expect further pubertal development to lead to an increase in depressive symptom disparities between heterosexual and LGB youth (H2).
As argued above, we expect LGB youth to experience higher levels of depressive symptoms due to minority stressors and examined two highly salient types. Previous research in both the Netherlands as well as other countries found that LGB youth might fare worse than their heterosexual counterparts in terms of mental well-being, because they are more often subject to peer victimization (Baams et al.
2015b; Robinson et al.
2013; Van Beusekom et al.
2016). We will test this mechanism and expect that peer victimization mediates the association between sexual orientation and depressive symptoms (H3). Similarly, studies have found that LGB adolescents experience decreased mental well-being because they feel rejected by their parents more often than heterosexual adolescents (Kuyper
2015; Needham and Austin
2010). Based on this literature, we expect that parental rejection mediates the association between sexual orientation and depressive symptoms (H4).
This study adds to the literature by examining these mediating mechanisms by the time respondents are in late childhood. If we find evidence in favor of the presence of such mechanisms, this suggests that minority stress processes are already at work in that developmental period. To examine the developmental stability of associations, we additionally tested whether peer victimization in early adolescence (wave 2) and parental rejection in late adolescence (wave 4) mediated the association between sexual orientation and depressive symptoms. Lastly, this study will extensively explore potential gender differences and differences between bisexuals and gays/lesbians in the association between sexual orientation and depressive symptoms. Before estimating statistical models that serve to test our hypotheses formulated above, we therefore test whether boys and girls follow significantly different depressive symptom trajectories. Also, we check whether disparities in depressive symptom trajectories between LGB and heterosexual youth are different for boys and girls. Lastly, we explore whether contrasts to heterosexual youth in depressive symptoms are larger for bisexuals than for gays and/or lesbians. If substantial differences are found, we take this into account in further analyses.
Discussion
LGB youth experience elevated levels of depressive symptoms compared to heterosexual youth (Marshal et al.
2011; Wang et al.
2014). The Minority Stress Framework (Meyer
2003) serves as an explanatory framework for such disparities and states that they are the results of stigma and prejudice related to an LGB sexual orientation. Yet, information on the development of depressive symptom disparities over time is scarce (Mustanski
2015). We tried to fill this gap by estimating depressive symptom disparities between heterosexual and LGB youth in a Dutch cohort sample from age 11 to 22. We did so by establishing whether the LGB youth in our sample experienced elevated levels of depressive symptoms compared to heterosexual youth already at age 11, and whether we could find evidence in favor of the minority stress framework at that age. To address this aim, we focused on two potential sources of minority stress at the interpersonal level, peer victimization and parental rejection (Pearson and Wilkinson
2013; Robinson et al.
2013). Special attention was payed to potential gender differences in the effect of sexual orientation, as well as potential differences between bisexual and gay/lesbian youth in depressive symptom disparities.
Preliminary analyses indicated that men and women followed different depression trajectories. Furthermore, preliminary analyses suggested that sexual orientation disparities in depressive symptoms were substantially larger for girls than for boys. We therefore stratified our analyses by gender. In these stratified analyses we found that already at age 11, LB girls were at an increased risk of depressive symptoms compared to heterosexual girls. Results furthermore indicated that these differences increased over time and were related to pubertal development. The intercept differences in depressive symptoms by sexual orientation were partially mediated by self-identified peer victimization, as well as parental rejection. For girls, we were thus able to detect mechanisms in line with the Minority Stress Framework, already at age 11. Contrary to LB girls, no intercept differences in depressive symptoms were found for GB boys compared to heterosexual boys. For boys, we did however detect an indirect effect of sexual orientation on depressive symptoms, via self-reported peer victimization. Moreover, descriptive analyses suggested that sexual orientation disparities were larger for bisexuals than for gays/lesbians. We therefore fitted an additional latent growth model, where we focused on the differences in depressive symptoms between heterosexuals and bisexuals. In this model we found that already at age 11, bisexuals experienced an elevated risk of depressive symptoms compared to heterosexuals. Results further indicated that these differences increased over time and were related to pubertal development. The intercept differences in depressive symptoms by sexual orientation were partially mediated by self-identified peer victimization, as well as parental rejection. Also for bisexuals, we were thus able to detect mechanisms in line with the Minority Stress Framework, already at age 11.
Previous research on adolescents did not find that differences in depressive symptoms between LGB and heterosexual youth were larger for girls than for boys (Marshal et al.
2011). Yet, disparities in our sample were more pronounced for girls than for boys. One explanation could be that during adolescence, when girls start to develop extra vulnerability for depressive symptoms, not conforming to the group norm of heterosexuality is particularly aggravating, as it may distort the heightened affiliative need that girls develop in adolescence (Cyranowski et al.
2000), and so further enhance their already increased vulnerability for depressive symptoms. This heightened affiliative need in girls in comparison to boys might also explain why we found an indirect association between sexual orientation and depressive symptoms via parental rejection for girls only. That is, both GB boys and LB girls displayed higher levels of parental rejection in comparison to their heterosexual counterparts, yet only in LB girls this also led to higher levels of depressive symptoms.
Similarly, previous research in adolescents did not find that bisexual youth showed larger differences in depressive symptoms compared to heterosexual youth, than gay or lesbian youth (Marshal et al.
2011). Bisexual youth did however seem to experience larger depression disparities than heterosexual youth, in comparison to gay/lesbian youth. A lack of collective self-esteem in bisexual youth could account for this finding. The social status of bisexuals has been described as one of “double marginality”, meaning that they feel a lack of identification with both heterosexuals and homosexuals (Weinberg et al.
1994). This is reflected in studies that discussed bisexual women’s distinctive experiences with discrimination. For instance, research in adult populations has found bisexual women to report higher levels of discrimination than lesbians in queer settings (but lower levels in straight ones) (Carr
2011; Kuyper and Fokkema
2011). Similarly, studies have found that bisexuals experience significantly less social identification with LGB people and were less inclined to participate in LGB activism than lesbians and gays (Cox et al.
2010; Friedman and Leaper
2010).
This study is not without limitations. A lot of our reasoning is based on the assumption that the increased risk of depressive symptoms for LGB youth was a result of prejudiced and stigmatizing experiences of these youth related to their sexual orientation. One could argue that in order for such experiences to occur, LGB individuals should have an outwardly recognizable lesbian, gay, or bisexual orientation. For instance, we observed higher rates of self-reported peer victimization and parental rejection amongst our respondents yet cannot be sure that these differences have anything to do with sexual orientation. That is, we do not know whether or not the respondents that self-identified as LGB in our study were “out”. The importance of being out for LGB victimization to occur, however, can be questioned. A recent study on an LGB sample found that others’ perceived knowledge of the respondents’ sexual identity was only weakly associated with depressive symptoms and sexual orientation victimization (Baams et al.
2015b), suggesting that being out is hardly associated with depressive symptom levels. Also, a recent study showed that attempts of LGB adolescents to hide their sexual orientation in order to avoid sexual orientation victimization were unsuccessful (Russell et al.
2014). Lastly, it has been found that coming out by LGB youth can have adverse effects, such as negative reactions by the family or increased risks of peer victimization (Institute of Medicine
2011). A second limitation relates to our finding that the association between sexual orientation and depressive symptoms seemed to be more pronounced for bisexuals/LB girls. We were not able to test whether this was due to the fact that the association was larger for LB girls than for GB boys, or whether the association was larger for bisexuals than for gays and lesbians. The group of lesbian girls in our sample was too small to generate reliable estimates for such a test (
n = 12). Related to this, the operationalization of sexual orientation in our sample was suboptimal, because the three answering options represent a fairly limited notion of the concept of sexual orientation, and the item only reflects the self-identification dimension of the multidimensional construct that sexual orientation is (Savin-Williams
2006). Lastly, because of the large amount of statistical tests conducted in this study, some of our findings may be a consequence of Type I error(s). Relatedly, the size of our sample provided us with limited power in light of the complex statistical models employed. This could have caused us to miss relevant associations due to Type II error(s).
Further research on the topic is needed. First of all, although this study had the opportunity to study the topic of well-being of LGB youth using a unique longitudinal dataset, the number of respondents that self-identified as lesbian, gay, or bisexual was not very high. This might have affected the robustness of our findings. Further research is thus needed to examine whether the mechanisms that we found to be present at late childhood, can be corroborated using other data. Additionally, we found that self-reported levels of peer victimization mediated the association between sexual orientation and depressive symptoms. Teacher-reports of relational victimization did however not mediate this association (although our LGB-respondents reported higher levels of teacher-reported relational victimization). This calls into question what aspects of minority stressors actually lead to negative effects on mental health for LGB youth: the stigma and prejudice itself, or the subjective experiences of victimization and rejection by the LGB adolescent. Further research that dissects these mechanisms could shed more light on these processes. Finally, our study could serve to inform policy too. For instance, the fact that we detected mechanisms in line with the Minority Stress Framework (Meyer
2003) when our respondents were still in primary school, demonstrates the need for education of sexual diversity already in these stages of education, both of children and of parents.
Acknowledgments
This research is part of the TRacking Adolescents’ Individual Lives Survey (TRAILS). Participating centers of TRAILS include the University Medical Center and University of Groningen, the Erasmus University Medical Center Rotterdam, the University of Utrecht, the Radboud Medical Center Nijmegen, and the Parnassia Bavo group, all in the Netherlands. TRAILS has been financially supported by various Grants from the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research NWO (Medical Research Council program Grant GB-MW 940-38-011; ZonMW Brainpower Grant 100-001-004; ZonMw Risk Behavior and Dependence Grants 60-60600-97-118; ZonMw Culture and Health Grant 261-98-710; Social Sciences Council medium-sized investment Grants GB-MaGW 480-01-006 and GB-MaGW 480-07-001; Social Sciences Council Project Grants GB-MaGW 452-04-314 and GB-MaGW 452-06-004; NWO large-sized investment Grant 175.010.2003.005; NWO Longitudinal Survey and Panel Funding 481-08-013 and 481-11-001), the Dutch Ministry of Justice (WODC), the European Science Foundation (EuroSTRESS Project FP-006), Biobanking and Biomolecular Resources Research Infrastructure BBMRI-NL (CP 32), and the participating universities. We are grateful to everyone who participated in this research or worked on this project to make it possible.