The socio-ecological model (Bronfenbrenner,
1979) is a framework to understand human development and behavior by considering the influence of various layers of people’s characteristics, relationships, and social contexts. The central tenet of the socio-ecological model is that multiple levels of influence, including intrapersonal, interpersonal, community, and societal factors, contribute to human behavior.
Intrapersonal level
At the individual level, bystanders’ characteristics (e.g., social skills) and attitudes (e.g., social dominance orientation, openness to diversity) may explain their specific responses to hate speech. Social skills (e.g., perspective-taking, prosocial behavior, and assertiveness) might be directly related to bystander behavior because they encompass the social and emotional competencies that enable individuals to act in a caring, empathetic, and socially responsible manner.
Perspective-taking refers to the capacity to comprehend a situation or empathize with other individuals’ thoughts, beliefs, or emotions from a different standpoint (Davis,
1983). It can be assumed that bystanders who are more likely to empathize with targets of hate speech are more likely to defend the targets and less likely to show a passive or aggressive response (e.g., reinforcing or assisting the student who perpetrates hate speech). Prosocial behavior may be linked to bystander behavior because it encompasses actions intended to benefit others, such as helping, sharing, comforting, and expressing concern. When bystanders exhibit prosocial behavior in response to hate speech, they are more likely to intervene in a supportive way toward the target. This can manifest as standing up for the target, offering comfort, or seeking help. Assertiveness is an essential prosocial ability that may empower bystanders to oppose hate speech confidently and respectfully. Those who are assertive can express their disapproval of such conduct calmly and without being aggressive (Kanning,
2003). Today, there is limited empirical evidence on the association between social skills and bystander behavior in the context of hate speech. One study revealed a positive connection to young people’s willingness to counter hate speech (Wachs et al.,
2023b). Other research found that empathy was positively related to countering hate speech, searching for help at school, and supporting the target but was negatively associated with reinforcing the perpetrator, revenge, helplessness, and ignoring (Wachs et al.,
2024).
Another intrapersonal factor associated with bystander behavior is attitudes, such as openness to diversity and social dominance orientation. Openness to diversity refers to a general attitude of being aware of and accepting the similarities and differences among people (Bayram Özdemir et al.,
2021). A meta-analysis revealed that openness to diversity positively relates to tolerance and negatively correlates with prejudices (Ng et al.,
2021). These findings align with research that showed that adolescents who harbor negative attitudes and lower tolerance towards immigrants tented to engage in more ethnic harassment and are more accepting of aggressive behavior (Bayram Özdemir et al.,
2016; Piumatti & Mosso,
2017).
Additionally, other research demonstrated that youth’s acceptance of diversity was positively associated with their active defending in bullying and negatively related to seeking support from adults, and there was no significant relationship between acceptance of diversity and avoidant bystander responses (Konishi et al.,
2021). More recently, a study on hate speech showed that openness to diversity was negatively correlated with hate speech perpetration in schools (Kansok-Dusche et al.,
2023). Considering this previous research, one can assume that students with higher levels of openness to diversity are less likely to ignore hate speech or join it and more likely to engage against it when witnessing it.
Social dominance orientation refers to the individual attitude or value system that includes the belief that certain social groups are naturally superior or inferior and that social inequality is justified (Sidanius & Pratto,
1999). Individuals with high social dominance orientation tend to justify and support discriminatory behavior to maintain or strengthen the existing social hierarchy and tend to accept and promote hierarchical structures in society. They believe that some groups are inherently superior and have the right to dominate others. Whether social dominance orientation impacts bystanders’ behavior toward racist hate speech among students has not been investigated. However, previous research revealed that social dominance orientation is positively associated with outgroup prejudice and the acceptance of hate speech (Bilewicz et al.,
2017), as well as hate speech perpetration (Castellanos et al.,
2023) and bullying perpetration (Volk et al.,
2021). Hence, it can be assumed that bystanders high in social dominance orientation are less opposed to hate speech and more likely to participate in hate speech or ignore hate speech incidents when witnessing it, as they believe that some groups are inherently superior and have the right to dominate others. On the other hand, students with low levels of social dominance orientation might be more likely to counter hate speech and support representatives of the targeted group.
Interpersonal level
The interpersonal level considers relationships and interactions between individuals, such as the teacher-student relationship. The teacher-student relationship can be defined as the academic, emotional, and interpersonal connection between a student and a teacher (Pianta,
1999). A robust body of research suggests that the complex dynamics of the teacher-student relationship influence the social behaviors exhibited by students, particularly in the context of bystander behavior in bullying situations. More specifically, this research found that a positive teacher-student relationship, characterized by the degree of warmth, closeness, and open communication between the teacher and student, increased the likelihood of a student adopting the role of a prosocial bystander, showing support in favor of the victims. In contrast, a distant or conflictual teacher-student relationship may inadvertently perpetuate a climate of fear or indifference, increasing passive or aggressive bystander behavior (Konishi et al.,
2021; Mulvey et al.,
2019; Thornberg et al.,
2018). Given these findings, it can be assumed that students who experience a positive teacher-student relationship might be less likely to respond passively to hate speech or join in but more likely to support the target and act against hate speech.
Contextual factors
In schools across Germany and Switzerland, it is customary for students to remain with the same cohort of peers throughout the school day. As a result, the classroom climate could play a significant contextual role in interpreting the behaviors of bystanders. The classroom climate encompasses various dimensions, including the physical appearance of the classroom, academic monitoring of student progress, and the quality of interpersonal relationships (Loukas,
2007). One crucial element of the social dimension is group cohesion, which reflects students’ collective feelings toward their classmates. In high-group cohesion classrooms, students share common values, support, and care for each other (Leo et al.,
2023). As a result, it is likely that in classrooms with solid group cohesion, students are less likely to tolerate hate speech and ignore such incidents and more likely to counter hate speech if students violate social norms of fairness, helping, and mutual respect. Indeed, initial research revealed that in classrooms with higher cohesion, students were more likely to counter hate speech (Wachs et al.,
2023b). In addition, other research found that group dynamics within the classroom influence the occurrence of hate speech and partially explained why students join in perpetrating hate speech (Ballaschk et al.,
2021; Wachs et al.,
2022b).
Despite the classroom cohesion, the occurrence of hate speech in classrooms might play an essential role in understanding bystander behavior. For example, in classrooms with higher hate speech perpetration, students may establish a norm that tolerates or even encourages such behavior, leading to less active intervention or even participation in the hate speech (Ballaschk et al.,
2021). Conversely, in classrooms with greater hate speech intervention, students may be more likely to model these responses. Previous bullying research revealed mixed findings in this regard. In research exploring the dynamics of classroom behavior and its impact on bullying, it was discovered that bullying occurrences were less frequent in environments where defending behavior was more observable, while higher instances of bullying correlated with classrooms exhibiting more reinforcing behaviors (Salmivalli et al.,
2011). Contrarily, a positive correlation was found between reinforcing behaviors at the classroom level and bullying perpetration, yet no significant relationship was found concerning defending behaviors at the same level (Thornberg & Wänström,
2018). Additionally, no significant association was observed between victimization and bullying at the classroom level with the roles of being a defender or passive bystander (Pozzoli et al.,
2012).