Scholars studying the adaptation of immigrant youth have recognized the need to integrate developmental concepts on motion and growth into acculturation theory in order to better capture the temporal dynamics of acculturation-related processes (Juang & Syed,
2019; Motti-Stefanidi et al.,
2021; Umaña-Taylor et al.,
2014). To achieve this aim, Lee and Titzmann introduced a Temporal Model of Acculturative Change that includes various temporal dynamic concepts (Lee et al.,
2020; Titzmann & Lee,
2018,
2022). Inspired by the developmental literature on pubertal development (Mendle,
2014; Stumper et al.,
2020), the temporal dynamic concepts of acculturative change include Acculturation Timing, Acculturation Tempo, Acculturation Pace, and Acculturation Synchrony (Lee et al.,
2020; Titzmann & Lee,
2018,
2022).
Acculturation Timing is multifaceted and refers to the age at time of migration (chronological timing), the actual start of acculturative changes (transition timing - which may precede or succeed physical migration), and the deviation of acculturative change from relevant others, such as peers from the same cohort and context (relative timing).
Acculturation Tempo is the duration period of acculturation processes from start to a defined end.
Acculturation Pace is the speed at which acculturation occurs, which may vary within and between individuals.
Acculturation Synchrony describes whether adaptation unfolds at the same or different time across different spheres of life. As acculturation is a highly dynamic process, these new temporal concepts allow researchers to better understand the development of immigrant youth adaptation.
While theoretically intuitive and appealing, the Temporal Model of Acculturative Change requires more empirical evidence using longitudinal assessments of acculturation changes among immigrants over long periods of time, ideally, starting before the actual migration. Secondary analyses of existent longitudinal data can provide initial evidence for the predictive power and utility of acculturation timing components. Aumann et al. (
2022), for instance, found an accelerated pace in language adoption (i.e., a faster increase in the use of the new language) among immigrant youth predicted higher levels of child disclosures to parents and increased acculturation-related family hassles. These findings provide new insights into the acculturation gap literature and may explain mixed findings in previous studies (Telzer,
2010) by including more dynamic facets of acculturation change. That is, the same acculturation gap between parents and adolescents may have different consequences. If it emerges slowly, parents have time to adapt and intergenerational conflict may be limited or not existent. If such gaps increase more quickly (i.e., through an accelerated adaptation of language use among adolescents), families may experience more intergenerational conflict. This finding on acculturation pace is one piece of the puzzle in studying the dynamics of acculturative change and its consequences. Evidence on other temporal concepts of acculturation remains lacking.
Titzmann and Lee (
2022) posit that each temporal concept of acculturative change is likely to be relevant for specific outcomes. For instance, while the study by Aumann and colleagues (
2022) found effects of acculturative pace on family interactions, it did not find effects of relative timing – the deviation of immigrants’ adaptation from that of peers with similar length of residence. Aumann et al. (
2022) concluded that acculturation pace seems more relevant for explaining family dynamics; whereas, relative acculturation timing (which emphasizes how quickly an immigrant adolescent adopts new behaviors compared to similar peers) may be more pertinent to outcomes that refer to peer processes. The aim of this study, therefore, was to test the effects of acculturative relative timing (i.e., acculturation deviation from immigrant peers with similar length of residence) and pace (i.e., the individual rate of change) on peer relations. We also tested predictors of adolescent relative acculturation timing.
Relative Acculturation Timing in Language Use and Friendship Homophily
Forming friendships is a central developmental task in adolescence (Havighurst,
1972; Hurrelmann & Quenzel,
2018) and, in modern multicultural societies, this task involves friendship selections across and within ethnicities. Research has found that individuals prefer friends who are similar in characteristics such as age, ethnicity, or gender over dissimilar friends - a phenomenon termed friendship homophily (McPherson et al.,
2001). Ethnicity is a particular strong characteristic for friendship selection, because it relates to shared personal and family experiences, such as a common history, language, or cultural community. Due to these commonalities, intra-ethnic friends often provide resources for bonding and emotion regulation. By contrast, inter-ethnic friends primarily provide bridging resources (Serdiouk et al.,
2022); bridging resources are associated with knowledge and information about the new society. Both bonding and bridging resources are relevant for young immigrants’ adaptation and explain unique shares of variance in adaptation outcomes (Serdiouk et al.,
2022). As moving to a new country is associated with high levels of stress and numerous novel experiences, bonding with intra-ethnic peers can be expected to help with these circumstances and explains high levels of ethnic homophily shortly after arrival in a new country. The shares of intra-ethnic friends (despite significant decreases over time), however, often remain substantial – even after years in the new country (Titzmann & Silbereisen,
2009). Research has also shown substantial inter-individual variation in friendship homophily which is due to differences in attitudes, developmental stages, language use, or contact opportunities (Titzmann,
2014).
For friendship homophily (and for many other outcomes of acculturative change), few empirical studies have investigated adolescents’ timing of acculturation in combination with deviations from peers of similar length of residence. This lack of research is noteworthy, because group norms are fundamental for the psychosocial functioning of adolescents, particularly immigrant youth (Celeste et al.,
2016). Peers play a major role in adolescence (McCoy et al.,
2019) and comprise a cosmos of mutual influence, norm-setting and socialization (Bukowski et al.,
2018). Empirical findings underscore the role of peers in acculturation. One study, for instance, found that deviations from group norms can benefit or harm the psychosocial functioning in immigrant youth (Celeste et al.,
2016). Another study revealed more acculturative problems when the acculturation orientations of immigrant adolescents deviated from those of their co-ethnic peers (Titzmann & Jugert,
2015). These findings underscore the role of peers in acculturation processes and highlight that focusing on individual attitudes and behaviors while ignoring such group-processes may limit the understanding of adolescents’ acculturative processes.
The language used in everyday activities is a particular strong factor in the explaining inter-individual differences on friendship homophily. In a multicultural setting, using the host language not only enhances the inter-ethnic communication, but also conveys a shared identity, transports knowledge about the host culture (Caldas & Caron-Caldas,
2002; Gudykunst & Schmidt,
1987), and can ease inter-ethnic spare time activities. Hence, the use of the host language in daily activities is one of the best indicators of sociocultural adaptation to a new cultural setting (Masgoret & Ward,
2006), and past studies have found interindividual differences in host language use explained levels and change rates in ethnic friendship homophily among immigrant youth in Germany and Israel (Titzmann,
2014; Titzmann et al.,
2012). Previous research, however, has primarily studied the association between language use and friendship homophily in terms of inter-individual differences.
Importantly, acculturation processes unfold across both the group and the individual levels (Berry,
1997), and, according to the Temporal Model of Acculturative Change (Titzmann & Lee,
2022), the group perspective may add to our understanding of acculturation processes. That is, in addition to the individual level of language use, it may be relevant whether adolescents deviate or not from their peers of similar length of residence and background. Lower levels of use of the new language, for example, can be expected to have different consequences, depending on the group norms. In early stages of immigration, many intra-ethnic peers may not (yet) communicate in the new host language, but after many years some adolescents with lower levels of language use may start to deviate substantially from their peers with consequences for their socio-cultural and psychological adaptation.
This deviation in relative timing of language use may occur in two directions. Adolescents can be early (i.e. they use the new language more often than peers of similar length of residence) or late (i.e. use the new language less often that peers of similar length of residence) in comparison to their immigrant peers. Drawing upon theory and research on pubertal timing, we suggest this differentiation in relative timing of language use leads to two alternative hypotheses, the deviance and the stage termination hypothesis (Petersen & Crockett,
1985). The deviance hypothesis states that being early or late may affect outcomes, because any deviation from group norms has similar consequences. The stage termination theory by contrast assumes that adolescents who are early in language usage compared to peers show differences in adaptation to others. Which of these two hypotheses is supported in relative acculturation timing is not yet known.
Predictors of Relative Timing in Language Use
Relative timing in the use of a new host language can be expected to have various precursors based on contextual variations and acculturation processes. According to acculturation processes, transition timing seems particularly relevant. Transition timing specifically captures acculturative change when the actual starting point of acculturation does not correspond with the date of immigration (Titzmann & Lee,
2022). Some individuals may prepare for the transition to a new country years before immigration, which may give them a head start in socio-cultural knowledge of the new society, whereas others may delay learning the new language due to contextual circumstances (e.g., living in ethnic enclaves for some time after arrival in a new country). For this reason, indicators for transition timing are associated with levels of preparation to migrate.
Among adolescents, early transition timing can be expected to be associated with adolescents’ participation in the decision to migrate, having the feeling that they were prepared for the transition, and an expressed wish to migrate to the new country. These indicators of early transition timing are expected to be associated with being early in relative acculturation timing. Indicators for late transition timing, such as high shares of intra-ethnic peers in the neighborhood or residing in refugee camps, are probably associated with a delayed start and can be assumed to be particularly relevant for immigrant groups who migrate suddenly, such as refugees.
Aussiedler Immigrants from the Eastern European States
This study focused on first generation ethnic German diaspora immigrants from the Eastern European States to Germany (Aussiedler). This Aussiedler group provides a unique opportunity to study temporal aspects of acculturation timing, because Aussiedler migrants often identified with Germany before the actual immigration took place. The history of these diaspora migrants reaches back to the regency of Katharina II in Russia (Bade & Oltmer,
2003), when Germans were granted privileges, such as self-administration and cultural-religious freedom, when they settled in Russia. These privileges facilitated German cultural retention and identification with the German homeland.
During World War II, Russian attitude towards ethnic Germans changed substantially, and discrimination, deportations, and a forced adaptation to the Russian culture (Bade & Oltmer,
2003; Dietz,
2000) were the result. In the following decades, ethnic Germans adapted to the Russian mainstream culture, but simultaneously maintained some German cultural practices, especially within the family context (Brenick & Silbereisen,
2012). Nevertheless, adolescent Aussiedler migrants who enter Germany were well-adapted to the Eastern European States and hardly spoke German when they arrived in Germany (Dietz,
2003).
Today, Aussiedler immigrants constitute one of the largest immigrant groups in Germany. As compared to other immigrant groups, they have a somewhat privileged position, as they were granted immediate citizenship, social security, and material support (Dietz,
2000). Hence, in contrast to other refugee groups, these immigrants were more prepared for their immigration due to their history and the process of immigration and acceptance. It is, therefore, an opportune group to study relative acculturation timing – particularly if it comes to early transition timing.