Introduction
Externalising problems, including conduct problems and hyperactivity/inattention, are increasingly common behavioural difficulties, with an estimated ~ 3% of children displaying conduct disorders and ~ 4% presenting with hyperactivity/inattention (Barican et al.,
2022; Fairchild et al.,
2019). Early externalising problems in childhood have been linked to long-term difficulties such as peer problems and rejection, academic failure, substance abuse, and antisocial behaviours (Bevilacqua et al.,
2018; Flouri et al.,
2019; Hong et al.,
2014; Murray et al.,
2021; Pingault et al.,
2013). Particular attention has been focused on unpacking the association between externalising behaviours and peer problems during childhood (Haas et al.,
2018; Laird et al.,
2001). Chen et al., (
2015) highlighted both the prospective and concurrent risk association between conduct problems and peer problems such as rejection, while Hoza et al. (
2005) demonstrated that children with hyperactivity/inattention score lower on social preference at school and are more likely to be rejected by peers. Reijntjes et al. (
2011) conducted a meta-analysis to inspect two prospective paths for this association: the extent to which peer victimisation predicted future changes in externalising problems and whether externalising behaviours predicted later peer problems. They concluded that externalising behaviours are both antecedent and consequences of peer problems across time.
These findings support previous theory describing a bidirectional association between externalising behaviours and peer problems. For example, children exhibiting conduct problems and hyperactivity/inattention difficulties may exasperate other children, subsequently inducing negative reactions from these other children towards them, such as being victimisation or rejection (Thorell et al.,
2017). Whereas experiencing negative peer relationships could alternatively lead to difficulties in regulating children’s emotions in adverse social situations, resulting in the appearance of disruptive behaviours (Haltigan & Vaillancourt,
2014; Schwartz et al.,
2001) or exhibiting externalising behaviours to defend themselves (Averdijk et al.,
2016; Reijntjes et al.,
2011). Moreover, the overlap between conduct problems and hyperactivity/inattention has been associated with experiencing more peer problems in childhood, suggesting that negative peer relationships are associated with a range of externalising problems (Andrade & Tannock,
2013). In addition to the long-term consequences of externalising behaviours, peer problems have also been associated with later adverse outcomes, such as poor academic performance, lower self-esteem, and depressive symptoms (Isaacs et al.,
2008; Laird et al.,
2001). Therefore, considering the long-term negative outcomes of both externalising behaviours and peer problems and the identified association between these difficulties, it is important to gain a better understanding of their longitudinal presentations across childhood and to examine how these behaviours may feed into the other across time. Identification of associated risk and protective factors to understand aetiology of potential concomitant developmental trajectories of externalising problems and peer problems is also warranted.
Longitudinal research has identified multiple trajectory groups when examining individual trajectories of conduct problems, hyperactivity/inattention, and peer problems. For conduct problems, low, moderate-desisting, high-desisting and high-chronic have been described (Olson et al.,
2017; Shaw et al.,
2003,
2005). In these subgroups, a large majority of children display a normative peak of conduct problems from two to five years old, which then decrease through childhood once cognitive, language, and regulation abilities have been better developed (Cole et al.,
2011; Tremblay,
2010). However, a small percentage of children, usually representing ~ 5% of the sampled populations have been found to display persistent conduct problems, which remain high across childhood and adolescence (Girard et al.,
2019; Nagin & Tremblay,
1999). In the case of hyperactivity/inattention, studies examining developmental trajectories have suggested a group of children with a general decline in symptoms and another group with stable problems over time (Musser et al.,
2016; Sasser et al.,
2016; Vergunst et al.,
2019). The stability of hyperactivity/inattention has been mainly explained through genetic factors, whereas fluctuations over time are thought to be influenced by environmental determinants (Kan et al.,
2013). Finally, some longitudinal studies of peer problems have described subgroups of children with increasing trajectories of peer victimisation, including low/increasing, moderate/increasing, and high/increasing (Barker et al.,
2008; Boivin et al.,
2010), whereas others have shown a general decline across the school period, with trajectory subtypes identified as low, childhood limited, moderate-emerging stable, and high chronic (Geoffroy et al.,
2018; Oncioiu et al.,
2020).
Nevertheless, despite increased research on individual trajectories of conduct problems, hyperactivity/inattention, and peer problems, only one study has examined concomitant trajectories of these behaviours across childhood (Girard,
2021). Using a person-centred approach in a European cohort (Ireland; Growing Up in Ireland), Girard (
2021) examined the longitudinal presentation of internalising, externalising, and peer problems from three to nine years old, identifying six subgroups who evidenced multimorbidity across behaviours. Within these groups, three presented no or low symptoms, and three showed more elevated problems across time, with the last one displaying persistent multimorbid difficulties (i.e., ‘moderate increasing internalising/moderate decreasing-stable externalising and peer problems’, ‘low increasing internalising/mixed externalising/stable peer problems’, ‘high chronic-increasing multimorbid’). However, as this study inspected joint presentations of internalising, externalising, and peer problems, there is still a need for findings reporting the unique concomitant trajectories of externalising behaviours and peer problems. To the best of our knowledge, no study has simultaneously examined the unique longitudinal presentation of conduct problems, hyperactivity/inattention, and peer problems across childhood.
Furthermore, considering multiple risk
and protective factors to discriminate between developmental trajectories will provide new understanding around the factors specific to multimorbid conduct problems, hyperactivity/inattention and peer problems. Following the ecological system theory approach (Bronfenbrenner,
1992), perinatal, child, and family risk and protective factors were considered in this study. Perinatal factors such as low birth weight and early experiences in a neonatal unit (NICU) have been associated with higher rates of conduct problems and hyperactivity/inattention (Anderson et al.,
2003; Greenley et al.,
2007; Mathewson et al.,
2017). These factors may reflect neurodevelopmental immaturity (Shum et al.,
2008; Skranes et al.,
2007) and stressful experiences for the baby in the NICU (Linsell et al.,
2019), which may impact later development. At the child level, language abilities and sex have been described as important factors for externalising problems and peer problems outcomes. With respect to children’s language, population-based cohort samples have revealed significant bidirectional associations between language abilities and externalising problems such as conduct problems (Girard et al.,
2014,
2016). In addition, the gender paradox theory highlighted that conduct problems and hyperactivity/inattention vary among girls and boys, with boys displaying greater problems over time (Loeber & Keenan,
1994). Proposed reasons for these sex differences may be associated with social and genetic factors. Regarding social factors, it has been suggested that socialisation of gender roles for boys and girls start from early stages in development, with parents and the broader contextual environment, which impact upon distinct childhood problems (Tremblay & Côté,
2019). For example, boys may be socialised to compete and fight, which may increase externalising behaviours. Furthermore, genetic influences have also been studied to clarify sex differences (Dmitrieva et al.,
2011), with evidence indicating that girls need more risk genes than boys before exhibiting externalising problems (Rhee & Waldman,
2004; Rhee et al.,
1999). Concerning peer problems, there is mixed evidence for sex differences. Some research has suggested that girls are more likely to experience peer problems such as rejection and victimisation (e.g., Humphreys et al.,
2013), while others have shown that boys are more likely to experience these types of problems (e.g., Nansel et al.,
2001). A potential explanation for these mixed findings is that sex differences may be related to the specific types of peer problems examined. For example, girls may be more likely to experience a higher degree of relational peer problems whereas boys more experience higher levels of physical victimisation (Rose & Rudolph,
2006).
At the family level, several maternal characteristics have been related to children’s poorer outcomes, including young maternal age (Chang et al.,
2014), single status (Alavi et al.,
2017), lower educational attainment (Alavi et al.,
2017), and mental health problems, such as depression (Kingston et al.,
2018). Moreover, parent–child attachment style has also been associated with children’s externalising behaviours. For example, meta-analytic data demonstrated that insecure attachments were significantly associated with the development of externalising behaviours (Fearon et al.,
2010). Maternal characteristics and interaction styles may cumulatively impact upon children’s development since multiple risk factors, instead of single factors, predict children’s behavioural and social outcomes (Rutter & Sroufe,
2000). Finally, the socioeconomic level (SES) represented by the family’s level of social deprivation has been reported as a significant factor for children’s externalising problems (i.e., conduct problems and attention/hyperactivity; Miller & Votruba-Drzal,
2017; Votruba-Drzal,
2006). Children living in environments characterised by high levels of social deprivation, such as poverty and unemployment, often manifest externalising behaviours, potentially because of higher levels of family stress, less investment in resources such as education and health, and social exclusion (Miller & Votruba-Drzal,
2017).
In summary, externalising behaviours and peer problems have been found to have long term negative consequences for children’s wellbeing (Bevilacqua et al.,
2018; Flouri et al.,
2019; Hong et al.,
2014; Isaacs et al.,
2008; Laird et al.,
2001; Murray et al.,
2021; Pingault et al.,
2013). Moreover, associations have been described between externalising behaviours and peer problems (Chen et al.,
2015; Healy et al.,
2015; Hoza et al.,
2005; Keiley et al.,
2003; Reijntjes et al.,
2011). However, to the best of our knowledge, only one study (Girard,
2021) has inspected multi-trajectories of these behaviours simultaneously, and none to date has focused uniquely on the longitudinal presentations of conduct, hyperactivity/inattention, and peer problems. Consequently, this study has two aims. First, to inspect developmental trajectories of concurrent conduct problems, hyperactivity/inattention, and peer problems in children between four and 10 years of age to identify subgroups following distinct patterns of co- and/or multimorbid problems across childhood. Second, to detect risk and protective factors for group membership. Based on the existing literature (Olson et al.,
2017; Shaw et al.,
2003,
2005), a four-group model was hypothesised to best fit the data, including a never engaging group with no-to low problems, a normative group with low-moderate decreasing externalising problems and low peer problems, a high-decreasing group with initially high but decreasing externalising problems and moderate peer problems, and a persistent stable high group. We anticipate these different longitudinal presentations since, after the preschool stage, a general decline of externalising problems is expected in the majority of children, with only a small proportion of children exhibiting high stable problems over time. Moreover, according to the reported associations between externalising problems and peer problems, it is also expected that groups with high decreasing or stable conduct problems and hyperactivity/inattention will present with more peer problems across childhood than groups with no to low externalising behaviours. Finally, according to the cumulative risk model (Atzaba-Poria et al.,
2004), it was anticipated that these groups would have different aetiological antecedents. More precisely, we anticipated that groups with higher externalising problems and peer problems would present with more associated risk factors at the perinatal (i.e., low birth weight, NICU stay), child (i.e., boys, lower expressive language skills), and family levels (i.e., younger mothers, single parents, no educational qualifications, low mental health scores, low maternal-infant attachment, rural areas, most socially deprived families) than children within the no-engagers or normative groups.