Introduction
Body image plays an important role in adolescent development and wellbeing (Markey
2010). The body changes significantly during adolescence and adolescents need to cope with these changes (Markey
2010). Although many adolescents display some dissatisfaction with their bodies during this period, a high level of body dissatisfaction is a significant threat to adolescents’ wellbeing (Markey
2010). Adolescents who are more dissatisfied with their physical appearance are at an increased risk for suffering from, for example, depression, eating disorders, and low self-esteem (as reviewed by Markey
2010). As a result, the public and academics are keen to identify factors that contribute to body dissatisfaction (Markey
2010). The current study explores such a potential factor by investigating the effect of social network site use on body dissatisfaction.
The effect of social network sites on the lives and the development of adolescents is important to investigate given the role social network sites currently play in adolescents’ lives (O’Keeffe and Clarke-Pearson
2011). Social network sites are ubiquitous among adolescents: 70 % of European adolescents aged 14–17 use social network sites and 40 % of these users spend over 2 hours per day on these websites (Tsitsika et al.
2014). Social network sites consist of personal profiles of users (Pempek et al.
2009). Users present oneself to others on these profiles through text and pictures, they view and comment on the self-presentations of other users, and they read others’ comments on the own self-presentations (Espinoza and Juvonen
2011; Pempek et al.
2009). Personal photographs and physical appearance play an important role in these social network site activities (Ringrose
2011; Siibak
2009). Therefore, researchers have started to ask whether social network sites impact body image (e.g., Tiggemann and Miller
2010; Tiggemann and Slater
2013).
We currently know little about the effect of social network sites on body image. In two correlational studies, adolescent girls (aged 13–18 and 13–15) who used social network sites more frequently were more dissatisfied with their bodies (Tiggemann and Miller
2010; Tiggemann and Slater
2013). However, at least three important gaps remain in our knowledge about the relationship between the use of social network sites and adolescents’ body image. First, existing research on the effects of social network site use on body image is generally limited to cross-sectional data (Tiggemann and Miller
2010; Tiggemann and Slater
2013). These studies show that individuals who are more dissatisfied with their appearance
at the same time use social network sites more frequently. However, we do not know whether social network site use is related to
changes in adolescents’ body dissatisfaction over time (Tiggemann and Miller
2010; Tiggemann and Slater
2013). The first aim of the current study is therefore to test if frequency of social network site use predicts changes in body dissatisfaction among adolescents over time.
Second, we currently do not know which mechanisms explain the initial association found between social network site use and body image (Tiggemann and Miller
2010; Tiggemann and Slater
2013). In previous research, media use was indirectly associated with body dissatisfaction through peer influence (Clark and Tiggemann
2006). Girls aged nine to 12 who were exposed to appearance-focused TV and magazines more frequently at the same time reported having conversations about appearance with peers more frequently, which, in turn, was related to greater body dissatisfaction (Clark and Tiggemann
2006). Other studies have highlighted the impact that peers have on the body image of adolescents and adults of different ages (Eisenberg et al.
2003; Jones et al.
2004; Thompson et al.
1999a). We currently do not know if the use of social network sites also influences peers’ exchanges about physical appearance and if social network sites also impact adolescents’ body dissatisfaction indirectly through peer influence. The second aim of this study is therefore to test whether the use of social network sites affects body dissatisfaction indirectly through peer influence in the form of increased reception of peer appearance-related feedback.
Third, research on the effect of social network site use on body image has predominantly focused on girls (Tiggemann and Miller
2010; Tiggemann and Slater
2013). We understand this focus on girls because body image problems are more prevalent among adolescent girls than boys (O’Dea and Caputi
2001). However, adolescent boys also experience body dissatisfaction (McCabe and Ricciardelli
2001). Furthermore, some factors that affect girls’ body image also impact boys’ body image (as reviewed by Ricciardelli and McCabe
2004). The third aim of our study is therefore to investigate the relationships between social network site use, peer appearance-related feedback, and body dissatisfaction among both boys and girls and to establish if and how these factors and processes differ between boys and girls.
The tripartite influence model of body image, which is also referred to as the sociocultural model of body image, is a useful conceptual framework for investigating body image (Thompson et al.
1999b). This model describes that a variety of sociocultural channels, notably individuals’ parents, peers, and the media, convey beauty ideals to individuals (Thompson et al.
1999b). According to this model, individuals internalize these beauty ideals, and, to the extent that their own appearance does not match these ideals, become dissatisfied with their appearance (Thompson et al.
1999b). As most people do not think that they look like the ideal (Jacobi and Cash
1994), the vast majority of individuals will become more dissatisfied with their bodies when they evaluate the degree to which they match the appearance ideals (Thompson et al.
1999b). In this way, sociocultural channels contribute to body dissatisfaction.
Research among adolescents aged 10–15 has supported the notion that the media, parents, and peers influence adolescents’ body dissatisfaction (Keery et al.
2004; Shroff and Thompson
2006; Stanford and McCabe
2005) in line with predictions of the tripartite influence model (Thompson et al.
1999b). Studies that dealt with the effects of media, such as TV and magazines, have typically focused on the effects of exposure to highly idealized images of physically attractive people and appearance-focused content on body dissatisfaction [for meta-analyses see Bartlett et al.
2008 (males); Groesz et al.
2002 (females)]. However, few studies in the field of body image have paid attention to the changing media landscape and the rise of online media, such as social network sites (for notable exceptions see Meier and Gray
2013; Tiggemann and Miller
2010; Tiggemann and Slater
2013). The current study investigates if and how social network sites impact body image among adolescent boys and girls using the tripartite model of influence on body image as a framework.
The Current Study
Initial research into adolescents’ activities and experiences on social network sites suggests that social network site use exerts a sociocultural influence on adolescents’ body image (Ringrose
2011; Siibak
2009). Physical appearance plays a central role in adolescents’ activities and experiences on different social network sites (Ringrose
2011; Siibak
2009). Social network site activities at least partly revolve around personal photographs (Espinoza and Juvonen
2011). When reporting on their most common social network site activities, 60 % of adolescents aged 12–13 named adding pictures to their profiles and 46 % named looking at other’s pictures (Espinoza and Juvonen
2011). Furthermore, adolescents choose pictures to upload to their social network site profile at least partly based on their physical appearance in the photograph (Siibak
2009). Among adolescents aged 11–18, 56 % of girls and 31 % of boys report good looks as the most relevant factor for choosing a picture to upload to their social network site profile (Siibak
2009). Furthermore, adolescent girls aged 14–16 report in interviews that they are very concerned with their physical appearance on social network sites (Ringrose
2011). These girls edited their photos to create a physically attractive representation of themselves on their profile and often received comments on their looks (Ringrose
2011).
According to the tripartite influence model (Thompson et al.
1999b), sociocultural influences to look attractive contribute to body dissatisfaction, as individuals generally do not meet the sociocultural beauty ideals (Jacobi and Cash
1994). If, as previous research suggests, social network site use exerts a sociocultural influence on body image (Ringrose
2011; Siibak
2009), the tripartite model would thus predict that social network site use will lead to body dissatisfaction. In line with the notion that social network site use exerts a negative influence on body image, some studies have initially shown that social network site use is negatively related to body image among adolescent girls aged 13–18 (Tiggemann and Miller
2010; Tiggemann and Slater
2013). Based on the tripartite influence model (Thompson et al.
1999b) and the evidence that social network sites exert a sociocultural influence on body image (Ringrose
2011; Siibak
2009), the most likely explanation of this correlation is that social network site use leads to increased body dissatisfaction. We, therefore, hypothesized that more frequent social network site use predicts increased body dissatisfaction among adolescents (H1).
The use of appearance-focused media can also impact the degree of appearance-focus in adolescents’ peer-exchanges. The use of appearance-focused media may contribute to an “appearance culture” among peers (Jones et al.
2004), which includes talking about each other’s physical appearance and how to improve it. In line with this notion, research among girls aged nine to 12 shows that girls who more frequently use appearance-focused media (television and magazines) also have conversations about their appearance with their peers more often (Clark and Tiggemann
2006). Scholars have proposed that the appearance ideals that adolescents see in the media become personalized when they talk with peers (Clark and Tiggemann
2006; Jones et al.
2004). The use of appearance-focused media may, therefore, lead adolescents to more frequently receive appearance-related feedback from peers.
Because social network sites are also focused on appearance to a great extent (Ringrose
2011; Siibak
2009; Wang et al.
2010), the use of social network sites may also lead adolescents to more often exchange feedback on each other’s physical appearance. For example, adolescents may talk about the pictures they and others have posted on a social network site in later conversations with their friends. Peers may evaluate the physical appearance of themselves and others and exchange tips to improve their looks. Adolescents can exchange this peer appearance-related feedback both within and outside of the social network site platform. In this way, adolescents’ use of social network sites may lead them to receive peer appearance-related feedback more frequently. To our knowledge, previous research has not investigated whether social network site use indeed impacts appearance-related exchanges among peers in such a way. However, based on research on other appearance-related media (Clark and Tiggemann
2006), we hypothesized that more frequent social network site use predicts increased peer appearance-related feedback among adolescents (H2a).
According to the tripartite model, the reception of peer appearance-related feedback will negatively impact adolescents’ body image (Thompson et al.
1999b). Peer appearance-related feedback pressures adolescents to conform to an appearance ideal that they do not meet (Thompson et al.
1999b). Adolescents become aware of discrepancies between their own bodies and the appearance ideal and, as a result, become dissatisfied with their appearance (Thompson et al.
1999b). In line with this prediction, adolescents (aged 12–17) who received peer appearance-related feedback more frequently were less satisfied with their bodies (Eisenberg et al.
2003; Jones et al.
2004). Therefore, we hypothesized that more frequent reception of peer appearance-related feedback predicts greater body dissatisfaction among adolescents (H2b).
Media may impact adolescents’ body image indirectly through peer influence (Clark and Tiggemann
2006; Jones et al.
2004). Among girls aged nine to 12, exposure to appearance-focused magazines and TV was not related to body dissatisfaction directly, but only indirectly through appearance conversations with peers (Clark and Tiggemann
2006). The use of appearance-focused media (television and magazines) was related to more frequent conversations about appearance among peers, which was in turn related to body dissatisfaction (Clark and Tiggemann
2006). Social network sites may also impact body dissatisfaction indirectly through peer influence. If the use of social network sites increases peer appearance-related feedback (H2a), and peer appearance-related feedback increases body dissatisfaction (H2b), then peer appearance-related feedback will mediate the effect of social network site use on body dissatisfaction among adolescents. We, therefore, hypothesized an indirect effect of social network site use on body dissatisfaction through peer appearance-related feedback (H2c).
The hypothesized relationships between social network site use, peer appearance-related feedback, and body dissatisfaction may differ in strength depending on adolescents’ gender. The tripartite influence model emphasizes that adolescents’ body dissatisfaction results from sociocultural channels exerting pressures to conform to unrealistic beauty ideals (Thompson et al.
1999b). Although sociocultural pressures to conform to appearance ideals influence both boys and girls (aged 12–16), research suggests that these pressures impact girls to a greater extent than boys (Jones et al.
2004). One experiment among adolescents aged 13–18 found that exposure to idealized appearance in mass media contributed to body dissatisfaction among girls but not among boys (Hargreaves and Tiggemann
2004). Furthermore, there is evidence that girls are generally subjected to such pressures to a greater extent than boys, at least among adolescents aged 12 to 16 (McCabe and Ricciardelli
2001). Research thus indicates that sociocultural influences on body image disproportionally affect girls.
Males and females may also differ in the degree of pressure to conform to appearance ideals that they experience on social network sites and the resulting impact of these pressures on body image. Young adults pay more attention to females’ than males’ physical appearance on social network sites (Seidman and Miller
2013). Furthermore, adult users evaluate females more strongly based on their physical appearance than males on social network sites (Manago et al.
2008). These gender differences may also occur among adolescents. According to the tripartite model (Thompson et al.
1999b), if social network sites exert greater pressures to look attractive on girls than on boys, the use of these social network sites will influence the body image of girls to a greater extent than the body image of boys. We, thus, hypothesized that social network site use will lead to body dissatisfaction more strongly among adolescent girls than boys (H3a).
One way in which social network sites may exert greater influence on girls’ than boys’ body image is that social network site use may increase the reception of appearance-related feedback to a greater extent for girls than for boys. In general, adolescent girls receive comments about their physical appearance more often than boys do, at least at ages 12–15 (McCabe et al.
2006). Furthermore, if people pay more attention to females’ than males’ physical appearance on social network sites (Seidman and Miller
2013) and girls are evaluated more strongly based on their appearance on these websites (Manago et al.
2008), the use of social network sites likely instigates more peer appearance-related feedback targeted at girls than peer appearance-related feedback targeted at boys. We, therefore, hypothesized that the effect of social network site use on peer appearance-related feedback would be stronger among adolescent girls than boys (H3b).
The effect of appearance-related feedback from peers on body image may also depend on the gender of the receiver. For example, in a study among adolescents aged 11–18, girls were more bothered by appearance-related feedback than boys, at least when it concerned weight-related teasing (Neumark-Sztainer et al.
2002). As a result, appearance-related feedback may be more detrimental to girls’ than to boys’ body image. In line with this notion, a meta-analysis of research among children, adolescents, and adults has shown that appearance-related feedback affects females’ body image more negatively than males’ body image (Menzel et al.
2010). We, therefore, hypothesized that the effect of peer appearance-related feedback on body dissatisfaction would be stronger among adolescent girls than boys (H3c).
Discussion
The current study focuses on the impact of social network sites on adolescent boys’ and girls’ body image. The popularity of social network sites among adolescents (Lenhart and Madden
2007; Lenhart et al.
2010; SPOT
2012) and the centrality of physical appearance on these websites (Ringrose
2011; Siibak
2009) have led to concerns regarding their potential negative impact on adolescent body image (Tiggemann and Miller
2010; Tiggemann and Slater
2013). Previous research has established correlations between social network site use and body dissatisfaction among adolescent girls aged 13–18 (Tiggemann and Miller
2010; Tiggemann and Slater
2013). However, questions remained regarding the causal direction of this relationship, the mechanism underlying this relationship, and whether this relationship pertains to boys to the same extent as to girls.
The present study addressed these questions. Regarding the question of temporal direction, this longitudinal study shows that more frequent social network site use predicted increased body dissatisfaction among adolescents 18 months later but body dissatisfaction did not predict social network site use. With respect to the question about mechanisms underlying this relationship, we investigated peer appearance-related feedback as a potential mediator. We found that social network site use predicted more frequent reception of peer appearance-related feedback. However, peer appearance-related feedback did not predict body dissatisfaction. Appearance-related feedback, thus, did not mediate the effect of frequency of social network site use on body dissatisfaction. Regarding the question about the role of gender, boys were affected by social network site use in the same manner and to the same extent as girls. These findings have several theoretical and practical implications and offer useful insights for future research.
In terms of theoretical implications, the results of the current study shed new light on the nature of sociocultural influences on adolescent body image. The tripartite influence model (Thompson et al.
1999b) has considered parents, peers, and mass media as influences on body image. Our finding that social network site use augmented body dissatisfaction suggests that social network site use may be an additional sociocultural channel that influences adolescent body image. This influence may partly overlap with, or resemble, the influences from peers and mass media outlined in the tripartite model (Thompson et al.
1999b), but may also differ. Future research should further investigate the ways in which social network sites impact adolescent body image and focus on the extent to which this impact resembles, or differs from, the influences of mass media, parents, and peers.
The current study has explored a way in which social network sites may exert sociocultural influence on body image that is outlined in the tripartite model, namely through peer influence. As expected, more frequent use of social network sites predicted increased reception of appearance-related feedback from peers. However, we found that appearance-related feedback from peers did not predict body dissatisfaction over time. This finding is not in line with the tripartite model’s notion that peer influence to conform to appearance ideals leads to body dissatisfaction (Thompson et al.
1999b). One explanation for our findings may be that the impact of received peer appearance-related feedback on body dissatisfaction depends on the type and the valence of this feedback, at least among females aged 18 to 25 (Herbozo and Thompson,
2006). The current measure of peer appearance-related feedback did not distinguish different types of feedback. Receiving a mean comment about body weight from your best friend may have different effects on body image than a classmate providing you with tips to make your lips look fuller. Moreover, adolescents in the current sample on average experienced the type of peer influence assessed in the current study never to sometimes. As a result, the current study cannot assert definite conclusions about whether or not social network sites exert their pressures on body image through peer influence and future research is this area needed.
The lack of support for peer appearance-related feedback as an underlying mechanism as well as the low frequency of peer appearance-related feedback (Table
1) may also suggest that there are other, potentially more common, forms of sociocultural influence that mediate the effects of social network site use on body dissatisfaction. Studies should investigate whether and how the opportunities offered by new media to present the own body, to gain public feedback on one’s appearance, and to scrutinize the bodies of others (Meier and Gray
2013; Ringrose
2011; Siibak
2009) affect the body image of its users in ways similar and different to face-to-face peer interactions and mass media exposure. As a result, the tripartite model (Thompson et al.
1999b) may be extended or adapted to incorporate ways in which body image is influenced by creating, sharing and responding to appearance-related content online.
An alternative explanation for the lack of support for the effect of peer appearance-related feedback on body dissatisfaction is that this effect may be stronger among, or confined to, a specific group of adolescents. Previous research has shown differential susceptibility regarding mass media influences on body image (e.g., Groesz et al.
2002; Stice et al.
2001). In the same way, peer appearance-related feedback as well as social network site use may also particularly influence the body image of certain vulnerable adolescents. In this respect, age and developmental characteristics could be relevant individual difference factors to consider (Bartlett et al.
2008; Groesz et al.
2002). The age range of the current study (11–18) was broad and sociocultural influences on body image may differ for adolescents at different ages and developmental stages (Bartlett et al.
2008; Groesz et al.
2002). Future research should thus identify potentially vulnerable groups in order to fully understand the impact of sociocultural influences, including peer appearance-related feedback and social network site use, on body image.
In addition to individual and developmental differences, cultural differences should also be taken into account when interpreting the current findings. For example, the finding that the relationships between social network site use, peer appearance-related feedback, and body dissatisfaction applied to the girls and boys to the same extent and in the same way may not generalize from our Dutch sample to adolescents in other countries. The Netherlands is considered to be a so-called feminine society, in which gender differences are less pronounced than in more masculine societies such as the US (Hofstede
1998). Therefore, a similar study in other countries may lead to different conclusions regarding the role of gender in body image.
Cultural context and other characteristics of our sample are also important to take into account with respect to other aspects of our findings. The adolescents in the current sample were more satisfied than dissatisfied with their bodies on average, with the mean level of body dissatisfaction being halfway between “not satisfied-not unsatisfied” and “quite satisfied.” Moreover, the vast majority of adolescents were in the low or normal BMI range. In the current sample, 91 % of adolescents reported a BMI under 25 and 52 % reported a BMI under 20. Furthermore, on average the current sample never or sometimes received appearance-related feedback from friends. While this points to relatively healthy patterns in youth’s relationships with their bodies among the adolescents in the current Dutch sample, the degree of body dissatisfaction and reception of peer appearance-related feedback may be more troublesome among adolescents in other countries or among certain potentially underrepresented Dutch subgroups. For example, it is documented that, among adult women, body dissatisfaction is lower in Western Europe than in North and South America (Swami et al.
2010). These cross-cultural differences may also apply to adolescents and present an important contextualization of our results. A replication of the current study’s findings in other samples is thus needed to see if these findings generalize to other populations.
The current study has a number of shortcomings that future research can improve on. Future research in this area would benefit from experimental approaches in order to rigorously establish causality. The current study, with its two-wave panel design, can shed first light on the causal direction of relationships established in previous cross-sectional research. However, the current design does not have the same internal validity as an experimental design. Another shortcoming of our study refers to the investigation of hypothesized mediation. Although the current design offers a more thorough approach at establishing the temporal order of mediated effects than cross-sectional designs, a three-wave survey would have been preferable. A final limitation of the current study is the quality of the measurement of social network site use. This measure consisted of only one item and measured the general use of only one social network site, which was very popular in the Netherlands when the study was conducted, but has declined in popularity since (Newcom Research and Consultancy
2012). As adolescents keep switching from one online platform to another, a recommendation for future research is to investigate the impact of activities that are not specific to one platform or to platforms at one moment in time.
In terms of practical implications, our study suggests that adolescents who report high levels of body dissatisfaction or who are at a greater risk for developing body image problems may benefit from interventions or guidelines to decrease the negative impact of social network site use on body image. Such interventions could be beneficial in the same way as some interventions seem effective at decreasing the negative effects of exposure to beauty ideals in the mass media on body image among adolescents aged 13–15 and young college-age women (Wilksch and Wade
2010; Yamamiya et al.
2005). Our finding that social network sites impact boys’ body image to the same extent as girls’ body image suggests that both boys and girls may benefit from such interventions. However, it is important to note that, in the current sample, girls did experience more peer appearance-related feedback and were more dissatisfied with their bodies than boys, although the differences were not extreme (see Table
1). In order to develop interventions and implement these effectively, we need to increase our understanding of how social network site use impacts body image, which specific social network site activities affect body image, among which adolescents this effect occurs most strongly, and under which conditions the effects come about.
Conclusion
This study offers a number of insights into the role that social network sites have come to play in adolescents’ development and wellbeing. Previous research has shown that these increasingly popular websites (Lenhart et al.
2010; Lenhart and Madden
2007; SPOT
2012) impact adolescent development in several areas, such as adolescents’ relationships and self-esteem (Gentile et al.
2012; Valkenburg et al.
2006). The current study has investigated whether and how social network sites also impact adolescent girls’ and boys’ body image—a crucial aspect of adolescent development and wellbeing (Markey
2010).
The current study contributes to the scarce knowledge about the relationships between social network site use and body image. Previous research has offered an initial indication that the use of social network sites is related to adolescent body image (Tiggemann and Miller
2010; Tiggemann and Slater
2013). In a number of ways, the current longitudinal study builds on these correlational studies among girls aged 13–18 (Tiggemann and Miller
2010; Tiggemann and Slater
2013). First, this study offers initial information about the causal direction of this association by showing that more frequent social network site use predicts increased body dissatisfaction over time. Second, the present study shows that social network site use predicts more frequent reception of peer appearance-related feedback. However, peer appearance-related feedback did not explain the effect of social network site use on body image because peer appearance-related feedback did not predict body dissatisfaction. Other mechanisms may be at play and/or only certain appearance-related feedback may lead to body dissatisfaction, only in certain situations or only among certain individuals. Third, this study shows that social network site use impacts the body image and reception of peer appearance-related feedback among boys to the same extent as among girls.
In this study, we offer a number of insights and suggestions that future research on adolescents’ body image can build on. Specifically, more research is necessary to replicate the findings in other groups and countries, to assess which social network site activities impact body image and through which mechanisms, and to determine in which situations and among which adolescents the effects of social network site use on body image may be stronger or weaker. Nevertheless, the current study offers important evidence that social network site use poses a risk to adolescent boys’ and girls’ body image. Researchers, parents, and practitioners should aim to understand and try to counter these negative effects.