Introduction
The perception of the body in terms of its size, shape, and distinctive features is an intrinsic part of the body image and plays a fundamental role in our everyday lives (Ehrsson et al.,
2005). Body perception is largely driven by sensory input from vision, proprioception, and touch relevant to the body part, from interoceptive signals, as well as through interactions with the external world (Azañón et al.,
2016; Dijkerman & De Haan,
2007; Gallagher,
2005; Ionta et al.,
2011). Different body parts inherently have different sensory and motor exposures. Consider the back and the hand, for example. Unlike the hand, we rarely have vision of our own back, we only perform gross general movements (versus fine grained movements), and we do not typically need to discriminate the precise location of where we are touched on our back (Catley et al.,
2013). Because of limited direct visual access of the back, knowledge of its size and shape is important for navigating the body in space. Despite the importance of such knowledge, we know very little about how the back is represented (Taoka et al.,
2016).
Even in very precisely represented areas, such as the hand, perceiving accurate body size is a complex process. For instance, when the hand is hidden from view and participants are asked to judge the location of the fingertip and the knuckle via pointing, people tend to overestimate hand width, and underestimate finger length—i.e. people perceive a short, fat hand (Longo & Haggard,
2010). This
implicit perception of a short, fat hand is thought to occur as a result of tactile anisotropy—the tendency to perceive stimuli provided across the body as being farther apart than stimuli provided along the body—which reflects the orientation of tactile receptive fields and innervation density (Longo & Haggard,
2010; Ross & Murray,
2018). Yet, we can perform complex hand movements and interact with the environment, without error, which supports the existence of distinct implicit and explicit body representations (Longo,
2015; Mancini et al.,
2014). However, recent observation supports the idea that motor responses are not necessarily based on more accurate hand size representations but are also influenced by interactions with the spatial environment as well as affordances and emotional content (Peviani et al.,
2020; Peviani et al.,
2021). Differences in implicit and explicit representations of body size may have relevance given that people with chronic back pain often have a distorted perception of their own back (Moseley,
2008; Nishigami et al.,
2014; Wand et al.,
2013) and perhaps one or both of these representations is altered. Little is known about the representations of the back even in healthy participants, which makes interpretations of findings in back pain populations difficult. Here we aim to explore both implicit and explicit back representations in healthy individuals.
It is well-established that our perception of our body is dynamic and can be manipulated. Indeed, multisensory body illusions can be used to alter body perception in terms of size and shape and have been shown to alter sensory (Schaefer et al.,
2007) and motor (Dilena et al.,
2019; Naito et al.,
2016) representations for that body part. For example, previous work in people with and without painful hand osteoarthritis has shown that visuotactile illusions that alter the size of the viewed hand induce changes in perceived hand size that remain following illusion cessation (Gilpin et al.,
2014). To date, research that demonstrates the possibilities of manipulating body size perception has largely focused on body parts that are highly and precisely represented within the cortex such as the hands, or, generally explored effects with changes to the whole body itself (Banakou et al.,
2013). What is less understood is whether similarly influential modulation of perceived body size occurs when the representation of the body part is less precise, as occurs for body parts, such as the back, and whether more extreme departures from normal body morphology may also be possible in these areas.
Preliminary work has shown that visual exposure to extreme body types, by means of visual adaptation, can affect perceptual body image judgements (Ambroziak et al.,
2019). Specifically, Hummel et al. (
2013) found that after exposure to adapted thin and fat pictures of one’s own body, participants perceived their own body to be thinner or fatter, respectively, than their actual body size. Previous experimental research has also shown that illusions of body ownership not only elicit conscious perceptual changes of the body, but may also extend to implicit attitudes and behaviours based on socially and culturally derived presumptions (Banakou et al.,
2013; Blanke et al.,
2015; Maister et al.,
2013,
2015). For example, Kilteni et al. (
2013) showed that taking on a different virtual body results in both updated body representation and self-representation in terms of attitudes and behaviours. In that study, Caucasian individuals participated in a virtual West-African Djembe drumming session with a virtual body that substituted their own: either a male with a dark-skinned body wearing casual dress or a male with a light-skinned body wearing a formal suit. Participants who were given a virtual body representation of a casually dressed dark-skinned avatar exhibited higher variation and frequency of movement, than participants who were given a light-skinned formally dressed avatar (Kilteni et al.,
2013). These results support the ability of virtual full body ownership illusions to induce substantial behavioural changes, dependent on the appearance of the embodied virtual avatar.
Thus, while there is clear evidence that changing the appearance of the body can lead to perceptual and behavioural changes, what remains unknown is whether such effects extend to alteration of our own self-perceptions. Here we aim to extend past work by exploring whether multisensory illusions that provide information about body properties—namely back strength—may influence attitudes about self-capacity. When we see a well-muscled individual, based on social presumptions, we might think that individual is ‘strong’. That is, we infer properties of strength and ability based on visual appearance. Previous studies have found a positive relationship between upper-body muscularity and actual upper-body strength (Candow & Chilibeck,
2005). Furthermore, upper-body muscularity positively influences self-perception of fighting ability in men, indicating that muscular men perceive their fighting ability as being greater, independent of how strong they actually are as measured by hand grip strength (Muñoz-Reyes et al.,
2019). There is also evidence that an influence of size/musculature on perceived ability may extend to the back. In a proof-of-concept pilot study with two chronic back pain participants, Nishigami et al., (
2019) used a multisensory illusion of the back that drastically altered body morphology (i.e. a muscled reshaped back). In a single case study, with altered body perception and negative back pain beliefs, the illusion led to a reduction in movement associated fear and a positive change in perceived lifting ability.
Therefore, we explored perception of the back in healthy individuals, with the aim to determine whether (1) people have accurate implicit and explicit perceptions of back size; (2) multisensory illusions designed to alter back morphology can modify perceptions of back size, shape, and embodiment in a way that is analogous to previously observed hand resizing; and (3) body morphological illusions can also alter perception and attitude towards self-capacity, such as perceived back strength and confidence. Specifically, we manipulated the back’s shape and its musculature, with the hypothesis that a perceived notion of a strong and fit back (visually apparent musculature and wide shoulders with narrow hips) might influence perceived abilities during a standardised lifting task. To isolate whether effects were specific to having a ‘Strong’ back, we also included various additional conditions that altered only size or shape of the back (no musculature changes). We hypothesised that due to imprecise sensory representations of the back and the limited direct visual experience, participants would be inaccurate at estimating the shape and morphology of the back for both implicit and explicit measures of back perception, and that illusions altering back morphology would influence back perception. Last, we hypothesised that an illusion of a stronger-looking back that is embodied would influence perceptions of back size and attitudes towards self-capacity, namely, perceived strength and confidence during a lifting task.
Discussion
This study aimed to investigate whether people hold accurate size perceptions of the back, a body part rarely seen directly, and if perceptions of size can be manipulated using multisensory illusions. Additionally, this study aimed to evaluate whether these illusions can influence attitudes towards self-capacity, such as perceived strength and confidence. In line with our predictions, we found that participants have an inaccurate perception of the size and shape of their back, both measured on an implicit template task and when explicitly asked. Moreover, we found that perceptions of back size can be altered by morphological body illusions, but this appeared specific to the condition. In particular, we found that the Reshaped back condition significantly altered perceived body shape in a manner consistent with the direction of the illusion (wider shoulders and narrower waist). However, the Strong back illusion did not alter perceived body shape, despite the same body size reshaping occurring in both the Strong and Reshaping condition, potentially due to failure to induce reliable agency and ownership that occurred during the Strong condition. Against our hypotheses, none of the illusions influenced perceived strength, confidence, back fitness, or perceived box weight during the lifting task. The results suggest that back representation in healthy volunteers can be modified despite relatively large departures from its natural size when the underlying existing/natural features of the back are retained. Further, our results raise the possibility that when the viewed back is replaced by altered morphology (Strong, muscled back), embodiment of the manipulated image may be required in order to update back representation.
Our findings show that people have altered explicit and implicit representations of their backs that differ from each other and from actual back size. Explicit judgements were found to typically overestimate the hip–shoulder ratio. Specifically, most participants perceived the Reshaped condition as being indicative of the real appearance of their back (shoulders
wider and hips
narrower than they actually are). In contrast, implicit judgements were found to underestimate the hip–shoulder ratio. That is, while participants did perceive their shoulders to be wider than their hips (inverted triangle consistent with the Reshaped condition), the perceived ratio was smaller than veridical measurements. The same has been shown for other and more ‘familiar’ body parts, with the implicit representation of the hand being highly inaccurate and distorted (Longo et al.,
2015). Past work has also shown an overestimation of implicit representation of shoulder width (via shoulder width-to-height ratio) in healthy individuals (Fuentes et al.,
2013). If the same were true of our sample, it would suggest that our findings of a reduced shoulder to hip ratio (versus actual) may be driven by hip width changes relative to the shoulder. This explanation is supported by the magnitude of the effect size of the difference in estimated shoulder width at Baseline compared to actual shoulder width at 0.42 and a significant increase shoulder % error after the Reshaped condition compared to Normal. Future work appears warranted to further explore these differences.
That participants were consistently incorrect in explicitly identifying which test condition showed the correct appearance of their back (veridical, only 3/23 were correct), supports the idea that visual representation of the back is not precise and highlights just how unfamiliar we are with it. Further, these findings provide support for the contention that explicit representations of a body part that is not commonly seen likely differ from those of a body part that is commonly seen. For example, previous studies evaluating more familiar, commonly seen body parts show that individuals are accurate in making explicit judgements of the correct ratio of their hands (Longo & Haggard,
2010) and hip width/height (Fuentes et al.,
2013). However, that we asked participants to identify their back from a range of differently shaped and/or modified backs based on their real back, and past studies relied upon participants identifying body shapes from pictures or templates of a third person, may also influence the differences seen (Longo & Haggard,
2012). Regardless, that participants did not report liking their back in the Reshaped condition more so than during the other conditions suggests that the alterations in explicit perceived back size seen here are not driven by a desire to have that back shape (wide shoulders, narrow hips). Additionally, that none of the participants exhibited a disordered mental representation of the back as suggested by the below average score on the FreBAQ questionnaire (Schäfer et al.,
2021; Wand et al.,
2016), suggests that the observed inaccuracies of explicit back size are likely an inherent feature of the healthy somatosensory system.
A key finding of our study is that the Reshaping illusion leads to an altered perception of body shape. This finding indicates that implicit body representation is flexible and that participants can take on an altered sized back as their own, despite relatively large departures from normal size and a complete lack of explicit self-recognition. While in this illusion the back is viewed in a different location than it actually is, participants were advised to imagine it from a first-person perspective. That is, they were asked to imagine that they were looking at their own back via double mirrors, with one in front (the view in the goggles), reflecting the image of their own back from a larger mirror placed behind them. Previous work has demonstrated that perceiving a mannequin as mirrored when viewing it in a third-person perspective results in similar levels of ownership as when viewing the mannequin in a first-person perspective (Preston et al.,
2015). Indeed, the Reshaped condition resulted in a significantly larger shoulder/hip ratio (indicative of a body with broader shoulders and narrower waist) than both the Normal condition and the Large condition, and yet maintained ownership and agency in participants. However, that the Strong condition did not result in an altered perception of the back (shoulder/hip ratio) compared with the Normal condition, despite identical back resizing as the Reshaped condition is an important finding. The primary difference between the Reshaped and the Strong condition was the degree of embodiment of the illusion. That is, in the Strong condition, despite visual and tactile/motor synchrony, participants did not feel as though they had ownership or agency over the viewed back. In contrast, participants reported high levels of ownership and agency of the viewed back in the Reshaped condition. Thus, that the Reshaped condition altered back perception, but the Strong condition did not, despite identical changes in back size (wide shoulder, narrow hips/waist), therefore suggests a role of ownership in updating back perception. Taken together, our results suggest that while the representation of the body can be updated via multisensory illusions, it is essential that the manipulated body is felt to be the participant’s own and/or belong to the participant.
Contrary to our hypothesis, the appearance of a strong, muscled back did not translate to an increase in perceived back strength or ability. This appears inconsistent with past work which has shown that an objective visual measurement of muscularity, but not strength per se, predicts self-perceived fighting ability in men (Muñoz-Reyes et al.,
2019). However, as mentioned above, our results may not be overly surprising given the lack of embodiment seen for the Strong illusion condition. Past work has shown that when embodiment is removed (e.g. using asynchronous sensory stimuli to induce loss of ownership and agency), changes in attitudes related to the body do not occur (Banakou et al.,
2013). Thus, the loss of ownership and agency during the Strong illusion condition precludes the ability to conclude that viewed morphological changes do not influence attitudes towards self-capacity. Rather, we can state that viewed morphological changes that are not embodied do not influence such attitudes. Indeed, past work in a participant with chronic back pain showed that embodying the Strong illusion did result in shifts in attitudes towards self-capacity (e.g. increased confidence in lifting) (Nishigami et al.,
2019).
While not a primary question of our study, it is interesting to note that despite embodiment of the other illusions, changes in perceived body strength did not occur when the back was made to look fitter (Reshaped condition) or bigger (Large condition). These findings raise the possibility that altering back size alone does not influence attitudes related to self-capacity. However, it is also interesting to consider that perceptions of strength or lifting ability, as measured here, may involve a cognitive component: predicting whether an action can be safely undertaken (and the ease of this) given the present assessment of body state. Given the widely held societal assumptions that lifting with a rounded back is unsafe (Caneiro et al.,
2018) and that all lifts performed here were with a rounded back, it raises the possibility that cognitive features may have played a role, possibly preventing any shifts in perceived capacity. Future work undertaking the task in a straight back lifting posture may be warranted to allow the greatest possibility for multisensory changes to shift attitudes towards self-capacity.
It is interesting to consider why the Strong back condition resulted in a significant loss of both ownership and agency, and that this did not occur in the Reshaped condition with similar body size changes (Shoulders 25% wider and hips 25% narrower) and despite similar embodiment procedures undertaken in all conditions. First, our results support the presence of retained ownership and agency despite large visual distortion as has been shown previously (Ratcliffe & Newport,
2017). Second, it is possible that perceptual changes (i.e. size) may be more likely to maintain a sense of ownership and agency than alterations in physical attributes, that may be more readily identifiable as unrealistic, such as an overly muscled back as used here. Such an idea is consistent with findings from psycho-physiological studies suggesting that conflictual information over a body part can result in the loss of ownership and feeling of disownership over the actual body part (Barnsley et al.,
2011; Moseley et al.,
2008; Newport & Gilpin,
2011). Further, Tsakiris and Haggard (
2005) demonstrated that ownership over the artificial hand only occurs when the object is a realistic-looking rubber limb, suggesting that the Strong back may be too morphologically and functionally different to embody. Indeed, participants reported feeling less like their back was present in the Strong condition, suggesting it ceased to be ‘back-like’ altogether. However, ownership has been reported over non-corporeal objects (Cordier et al.,
2020; Ma & Hommel,
2015) or even empty space (Guterstam et al.,
2013).
Third, it is well established (e.g. Botvinick & Cohen,
1998) that embodiment of an artificial limb or body part is the result of the integration of synchronous visual, tactile, and proprioceptive input. In the current study, the muscled back image was slowly morphed over the real back view and temporal and spatial synchronicity between vision, touch, and movement was attempted. Specifically, an embodiment procedure of touching and moving the viewed back was undertaken, followed by viewed movement of the back throughout the lifting task. However, it is possible that the overlaid strong muscles were viewed as a static image that was incongruent with movement. That is, the viewed overlaid muscles did not move as would be expected with self-initiated movement (e.g. flexing and relaxing with movements). Therefore, it is possible that incongruence between viewed and felt movement was induced in the Strong condition, potentially inducing a loss of ownership and potentially even agency. Together, these findings suggest that further testing of a muscled illusion is warranted, particularly exploring ways to promote maintained embodiment, such as increasing animation and life-like nature of the muscled overlay.
Finally, findings indicated that participants experienced low levels of pain after each condition, which is not uncommon following sustained muscle contraction (Minetto et al.,
2013). Notably, pain ratings did not significantly differ compared to baseline or between conditions and the mean pain rating after each condition did not exceed 20/100 on the NRS, suggesting that pain did not contribute to any of the observed effects.
The current study had several limitations. Here we used an image of a very muscled back, consistent with a body builder (e.g. all back muscles visually apparent and well defined). Future work may be warranted to evaluate a less extreme muscled version. Additionally, it might be useful to determine the gradient of muscular change at which loss of ownership occurs; this would serve as a useful control condition. Furthermore, we did not investigate whether participants experienced any underlying issues of perceptual body image more generally (not just related to the back), for instance, eating disorders relating to the width of the lower abdomen and how this might influence their response at baseline.
The nature of our sample, collecting data in only young male participants limits the extent to which the findings might generalise. Although evidence suggests that there are no sex differences in the response to multisensory illusions (Petkova & Ehrsson,
2008) or more specifically, no sex differences in perceptual or emotional responses to illusory changes in body size (Preston & Ehrsson,
2014), we cannot exclude that assumptions of body strength and/or ability might differ between sexes. We solely recruited men both for practical reasons, but also due to the fact that muscularity is more universally viewed as a positive feature and a physical goal in men, whereas muscularity is sometimes viewed more negatively in women, for whom thinness may be prioritised (Grossbard et al.,
2009). Hence, we aimed to evaluate men to provide a greater likelihood that a muscular back illusion would not invoke a negative body image. Regardless, further investigations are needed to better characterize pre-defined assumptions of strength and ability as well as issues of perceptual body image at baseline, testing across the spectrum of gender identity, and across different age groups, and how this might influence back perception, strength, and ability.
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