Introduction
It is well established in the scientific literature that children and adolescents who are exposed to adverse childhood experiences such as child maltreatment or neglect are at risk of developing a number of negative outcomes as trauma-related distress, academic and social problems, substances addiction, poor long term health, risky sexual behavior, suicidality and generational perpetuation of maltreatment (Afifi & Macmillan,
2011; Kisely et al.,
2018; Madigan et al.,
2019; McKay et al. (
2021); Norman et al.,
2012; Racine et al.,
2020).
Risk assessment and intervention have been traditionally based on deficit models, in the way that only risk factors were assessed and interventions were only focused on diminishing them, while protective factors were conceptualized as the absence of risk (Navarro-Pérez & Pastor,
2017; Ross & Vandivere,
2009). However, with the emergence of other theoretical models, such as positive psychology in the late 90 s, theories of positive growth related to children as prosocial behaviors and emotional intelligence became popular (Catalano & Hawkins,
1996; Cyrulnik,
2011). As a result, this rise of positive psychology led to an increase in the utilization of interventions grounded in its principles. This shift was prompted by the recognition that the previous approach, which solely focused on risk factors and overlooked protective factors, restricted the scope of diagnosis and limited the potential interventions available (Cress et al.,
2016). Nowadays, both prevention and research fields have stressed the need to explore protective factors and their characteristics, as their moderating effect has been well established in the association between adverse experiences and children’s outcomes (Afifi & Macmillan,
2011; Panisch, et al.,
2020; Racine et al.,
2020; Ridings et al.,
2017).
Protective factors are a complex construct since they exist at multiple levels of the child’s ecology. It is possible to distinguish among personal, family, or community protective factors (Cicchetti & Toth,
2016). A parallelism of this same conceptualization can be drawn to Bronfenbrenner’s (
1979) and Belsky’s (
1993) ecological model of maltreatment, in which causal factors are located in three levels which are nested among each other: the individual, the proximate and the distant system. Thus, the individual system would correspond to the personal resources understood as protective factors of the child or adolescent; the proximate system would correspond to the family environment, relations, and resources; and finally, the distant system would refer to the environment and the resources available in the environment of the child or adolescent.
Protective factors are defined as the characteristics of a child, a family, or the environment that diminishes the probability of suffering from adverse experiences such as child maltreatment, abuse, or neglect (Cress et al.,
2016; Sprague-Jones et al.,
2019) and improve individual’s response to adverse experiences that would typically lead to a negative outcome (Rutter,
1985). It has been shown that protective factors reduce the risk of suicidality in adulthood (Janiri et al.,
2020), and the probability of performing child-to-parent violence (Beckmann et al.,
2021). Additionally, another recent study performed by Racine et al., (
2020) explored the moderating role of protective factors in the association between childhood adversity and child trauma-related distress, concluding that protective factors successfully buffered the manifestation of trauma-related distress after experiencing cumulative adversity as maltreatment or household dysfunction.
It has been established in research that children and adolescents at risk are a highly heterogeneous collective as they face different adversities and have different resources available to face them (Fitton et al.,
2020; Guyon-Harris et al.,
2021). For instance, the study performed by Guyon-Harris et al., (
2021) explores the association between experiences of childhood maltreatment during pregnancy and the risk for disrupted parenting behavior before the birth of a child. The study focuses on the potential impact of different types or combinations of childhood maltreatment experiences on later parenting behaviors. Their results support this same statement as they obtain four different profiles of child maltreatment: low exposure, high exposure, high sexual maltreatment, and high physical and emotional maltreatment. Additionally, Fitton et al., (
2020) conducted a comprehensive review and meta-analysis to examine the association between childhood maltreatment and different violent outcomes, their results also show that different types of maltreatment do not lead to the same violent outcomes. Thus, it is possible to distinguish different sub-populations which can be divided according to their gender, family environment, age, or country of origin. In this line, differences among genders have been found in protective factors as shown by Godbout et al., (
2019) and Hartman et al. (
2009), who have found that girls tend to score higher on personal resources than boys. However, there is no information on gender differences regarding other types of protective factors as far as we are concerned.
Additionally, children and adolescents at risk can also be subdivided based on the different family compositions. Although we have not found studies regarding family structure and protective factors, studies assessing risk have shown that a single-parent family might be at higher risk of child or adolescent maltreatment or neglect than a bi-parent family (Oliver et al.,
2006), other more recent studies, however, point out that the risk is higher when the family structure is non-nuclear and not necessarily a one-parent family (Assink et al.,
2019). A non-nuclear family means that the family does not have a regular structure, in the way that it could one a lone parent, but also could be that the child or adolescent is taken care of by any other proximate family member or that children or other partners have been included in the family structure. Similarly, age can be another key variable to distinguish this type of population, especially when it comes to risk and protective factors, as has been shown by Sun and Stewart (
2007) who have found that younger children score higher than their older peers on variables that can be considered personal protective factors as empathy and communication.
Lastly, in the case of foreign children, and specifically in the case of unaccompanied asylum-seeking children, who comprise a specific type of sample considering that the family unit might be experiencing changes due to the migration process, we can point out that there are several protective factors on all three levels which can protect this high-risk group from developing negative outcomes, as stated by a recent systematic review performed by Höhne et al., (
2020). In their study, they identified a stable environment and the type of accommodation act (both corresponding to the previously mentioned distant system) as protective factors. Secondly, social support and family contact, related to the proximate system also consistently appear as protective factors in this type of children. Lastly, personal characteristics as their gender or their cultural competences were highlighted as relevant against developing negative outcomes.
Apart from the relative lack of studies on protective factors, there is also a methodological issue relevant to this study. Regardless of the theoretical model in which child maltreatment, abuse, and neglect literature is positioned (measuring only risks or combining risks and protective factors), the analytical strategy in virtually all social sciences has been the variable-centered approach (Howard & Hoffman,
2018; Roesch et al.,
2010). This approach focuses on the descriptions of the relationships among variables based on the assumption that the population of reference is a uniform group (Laursen & Hoff,
2006). However, there is enough argumentation on the heterogeneity of children and adolescents at risk (Fitton et al.,
2020; Guyon-Harris et al.,
2021; Swartout & Swartout,
2012) to suggest that there might be more informative approaches to be used to explore this population. The person-centered approach is an alternative analytical strategy. This approach emerges as a very useful technique for identifying groups of individuals among a population based on their response patterns (Wang & Wang,
2012). It might be highly informative in the context of children and adolescents at risk as it explores the multidimensionality of the constructs at the same time as the heterogeneity of response patterns of the population (Milne et al.,
2021).
As far as we are concerned, there are only a small number of studies employing this approach in the protective factors from the risk of maltreatment, abuse, or neglect context. We found some studies on the profiles of the resilience construct. Green et al. (
2021) examined the influence of individual, family, and contextual factors on the development of resilience profiles in children assisted by child protection services. This research concludes that living in a higher socio-economic status neighborhood, being of non-Indigenous origin, having a low likelihood of being maltreated, reporting higher levels of perceived support, and having parents with no criminal offenses were associated with stress resistance profile. In contrast, these indicators were not associated with the emerging resilience profile. Cases that were included in this profile presented a non-normative development. For its part, the research carried out by Oshri et al. (
2017) found four specified classes concerning social skills: unresponsive-maladaptive, breakdown, emergent resilience, and stress-resistant. The first typology presented low social skills on the first wave with a slightly negative slope. The second one presented a high intercept and a large negative slope. The emergent resilience typology showed a low intercept and a large positive slope. Lastly, the stress-resistance class showed a high intercept and a slightly positive slope. This study concluded that differences among typologies were due to the access to resources. In short, resilience is a dynamic construct that is built and modified by the disposition of protective resources. Concerning behavioral adjustment, Proctor et al. (
2010) found different trajectories for both the internalizing and externalizing behavior variables. In the first case, three trajectories were found: stable adjustment, mixed/decreasing adjustment, and increasing adjustment. In the case of externalizing behavior, four trajectories were found: stable adjustment, mixed adjustment, increasing adjustment, and stable maladjustment. In fact, behavior adjustment is understood from an ecological perspective as a protective factor of the individual against maltreatment.
Copeland-Linder et al. (
2010) examined the relationship among community violence exposure, protective factors, and mental health in a sample of African-American adolescents. Protective factors were composed of self-worth, parental monitoring, and parental involvement. In their results, they obtained a three-profile solution composed of a vulnerable profile, a moderate risk/medium protection profile, and a moderate risk/high protection profile. These three classes had the capacity to successfully predict differences in depressive symptoms but not in aggressive behavior, in both genders, leaving therefore the future suggestion to utilize more specific measures on the variables and to expand this study to other community samples (Copeland-Linder et al.,
2010). Another study performed by Brody et al., (
2013) examined the cumulative socioeconomic status (SES) risk, allostatic load, and psychological adjustment conceptualized as a protective factor in a sample of 443 African-American youths. They obtained five distinguishable profiles which can be combined into two more general types of profiles named focal profiles by the authors: a physical health vulnerability profile characterized by high SES risk, high allostatic load, and low psychological adjustment problems; and a resilient profile characterized by high SES risk, low allostatic load, and low adjustment problems. However, these two studies have in common that they do not focus on children or adolescents considered at risk of maltreatment, abuse, or neglect.
Thus, a closer study of our reference population was performed by Anthony and Robbins (
2013), who tried to extract different classes of early adolescents living in public housing neighborhoods based on their patterns of resilient development. They obtained three different classes: a “substance use and delinquency” class, a “limited support” class, and a “family risk but many resources” class. According to their results, we can perceive that all three classes score low on variables which can be considered protective factors, such as self-esteem, coping, academic efficacy, school commitment, and neighborhood cohesion, however, the clearest differences are in parental supervision and discipline, support, substance abuse, and delinquency.
In sum, we can conclude that more research on protective factors with a person-centered approach could add new light to the child maltreatment literature. Being able to identify and explain the different patterns and profiles in protective factors among children and adolescents at risk can shape more effective and tailored interventions that would prevent them from long-term suffering and social, personal, and economic negative consequences (Tufford et al.,
2021; van der Put et al.,
2017). Therefore, the aim of this study is to identify profiles among protective factors in children and adolescents at risk, and consequently relate these profiles to sociodemographic variables.
Discussion and conclusion
The current study aimed to analyze latent profiles of protective factors among children and adolescents involved in child welfare services in the Valencian Community (Spain). In carrying out this study, we follow the line of previous studies such as those carried out by Copeland-Linder et al. (
2010) and Anthony and Robbins (
2013). As mentioned above, the most similar study to date is a latent class analysis of resilient development among early adolescents living in public housing performed by Anthony and Robbins (
2013) although not comparable due to the different nature of the analysis and the variables utilized. Therefore, this study is the first to independently analyze the latent profiles of protective factors against child maltreatment by using an assessment instrument that specifically measures protective factors related to the individual, family, or caregiver, and environmental resources.
In our results, we retained six protective profiles. It is expected to obtain the three logical profiles indicating low, medium, and high ratings in these variables. However, we obtained other conceptually meaningful profiles, as the children and adolescents who are both medium in personal and community resources but differ in their family resources (profiles 2 and 3); the participants who are high in personal and community resources but low on their family resources (profile 4); or the ones who are high on their family and community resources but are low in their personal resources (profile 5). These findings confirm what is already known in scientific literature and professional settings: that not all children and adolescents at risk are the same and they do not face adversities with the same resources (Fitton et al.,
2020; Guyon-Harris et al.,
2021). In fact, as there are empirically distinguishable profiles, this information should be utilized to tailor more effective intervention programs in order to boost the protective factors that are the lowest in each case.
Consequently, we explored the relationship of the different protective factors profiles with the country of origin of the children or adolescents, their gender, their type of family composition, and lastly, their age. We attempted to understand if some socio-demographic characteristics make one or other profile more likely. However, we had non-significant results for gender, type of family, and age. These results indicate that profile’ differences are not likely depending on family type, age, or gender. This is not in accordance with literature on risks of child maltreatment where gender differences were found, which may lead to believe they might have different resources (protectors) to face maltreatment (Godbout et al.,
2019). Specifically in protective factors, Hartman et al. (
2009) also reported gender differences in these factors. These differences may be due to the fact that in the studies mentioned above, protective factors refer to personal resources or characteristics or the individual’s ability to find support from people close to them that have an impact on the reduction of mental health or behavioral problems. In contrast, this study also takes into account the resources that the family and the environment can provide to the individual to avoid risk situations or reduce their impact. Additionally, there is also evidence of age differences for child maltreatment as shown by Sun and Stewart (
2007), who found that the youngest individuals scored higher in communication, empathy and help-seeking, school support, prosocial peers, meaningful participation in school activities and autonomy experiences than their oldest partners. Nevertheless, there is evidence about the uniformity among age groups of a protective factor as resilience (Meng, et al.,
2018) which in fact is in accordance with our results.
However, there was a significant difference in the proportion of participants who were born in Spain and the ones who came from a foreign country among the different protective factors. Specifically, there were significantly more children and adolescents from Spain who scored low in all three protective factors than participants from other countries. Albeit, the proportion of foreign children and adolescents was higher in the profile of high personal and community resources but low family resources, and high in all three factors. This finding may have several explanations depending on whether they are children and adolescents who migrated with their families or whether they are unaccompanied asylum-seeking youths. On the one hand, the fact that families who have just arrived to a new country usually have no social and community support network to rely on and in most of cases need to invest efforts into achieving economic stability, therefore resulting in neglectful behaviors towards their children, who have been labeled as the “home alone generation” or “euro-orphans” (Levai et al.,
2018). However, this result is also evidence for the healthy immigrant paradox, as there are more immigrant children and adolescents who are high in all three protective factors compared to native participants (Millett,
2016). On the other hand, in the case of unaccompanied asylum-seeking children and adolescents, they did not decide to migrate on their own will but are forced by their families because they are in a situation of poverty, mistreated by their family, or live in a war situation in their country of origin as stated by The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (
2020). Given the cultural nature of the conception of childhood and adolescence, in most cases, the referent adults of these children force them to migrate to Western countries independently and with the perspective of allowing them to become self-sufficient, which is why they have lower scores on family-related protection resources (Navarro-Pérez et al.,
2021). In this line, the sense of self-determination and the acquisition of autonomy (Deci & Ryan,
2000) does not compete with the need to feel secure after having participated in this type of migration process. Therefore, it is important to highlight the resilience of this population (Jafari et al.,
2022; Pieloch et al.,
2016) and their means to find social support from their peers (Keles & Oppedal,
2022). Additionally, these differences among the country of origin of the subjects corroborate the results reported by Yu et al. (
2020), since the protective factors respond to cultural variables.
Although the main strength of this research is its novelty and possible applications in real-life professional settings, it also has limitations: Firstly, the fact that this study has been performed in a sample composed of institutionalized children and adolescents of child protective services selected with non-probabilistic methods since the information was completed by the professionals in the care of children. Secondly, the definition of the protective factors used in the scale, as the ACRAM scale was developed based on the judgment of child protective services workers in the development and content validation of the ACRAM (Navarro-Pérez et al.,
2023). This fact implies certain difficulties for the generalization of results given the specific legislation and conceptualization of protective factors in this territory. Thirdly, as the ACRAM-PFS is a hetero-administered instrument, there is always a certain margin of subjectivity, especially when it comes to cases which are not currently worked with but have to be recalled from the close past.
The results of this study can be applied in several ways: Firstly, this information can be utilized in elaborating tailored intervention plans for children and adolescents as being aware of the strengths of the individual, the family, or the community can be a starting point to intervene with. Secondly, these findings can also be useful in the elaboration of prevention plans, as being knowledgeable of the different profiles can help strengthen the protective factors that are not so high and effectively prevent adverse experiences from occurring. Thirdly, the knowledge gained from this study can be incorporated into training programs for professionals working in child welfare services. Professionals can be equipped with a deeper understanding of protective profiles and their implications for intervention. This can enhance their assessment skills, intervention planning, and overall effectiveness in supporting at-risk children and adolescents. Lastly, the results of this study are novel as it is performed with a representative sample, utilizing a comprehensive protective factors measurement, with a person-based approach, and with a specific focus on the practical implications of the knowledge. By highlighting the actionable implications of the findings, the study bridges the gap between research and practice, providing valuable insights for professionals working in the field of child welfare.
Finally, we strongly suggest that future research should explore how latent profiles evolve over time in relation to individual, family, and contextual factors, in line with research by Green et al. (
2021). For its part, studies focusing on individual factors, such as those performed by Oshri et al. (
2017) and Proctor et al. (
2010), form the basis for future lines of research on individual differences in protective factors against maltreatment. More research in different countries and samples is needed to be able to draw more reliable conclusions. It is concluded that the study of these trajectories is necessary for the generation of intervention plans based on information from children and adolescents (Proctor et al.,
2010).
In conclusion, while additional research is still needed, results from this investigation shed light on the way protective factors against child maltreatment personally relate to individuals. This information is novel and relevant for the development of future interventions tailored to the individual characteristics of the cases as both weaker and stronger points of children. Adolescents and their families can be targeted and therefore effectively addressed from an ecological perspective, as suggested by Begle et al. (
2010), who support the use of comprehensive methods and tools for the detection and analysis of child maltreatment.