Discussion
Bioecological theory suggests that the contexts in which adolescents exist are interconnected and thus, are mutually influential (Bronfenbrenner & Ceci,
1994). Emerging evidence supports a reciprocal relationship between daily peer stress at school and parent-adolescent interactions at home, highlighting a process of daily stress spillover (Bai et al.,
2017; Mayfield & Fosco,
2021). However, the temporal sequence of these spillover effects remains unclear, with few studies exploring how variations in emotion regulation difficulties might influence this daily process. This study advances the existing literature by using a study design that allows for an assessment of temporal precedence, examining the potential impact of emotion regulation difficulties on the spillover process, and applying a cultural lens to study questions with a sample of Chinese adolescents. It was expected that daily stress from peers and family stress would have a spillover effect on each other. It was also hypothesized that this spillover process would be greatest in the context of emotion regulation difficulties. Study hypotheses were partially supported.
The hypothesis that same-day peer stress at school would spillover to family stress later at home was partially supported. Specifically, on days when adolescents experienced more peer problems, such as arguing with friends at school, these peer stressors persisted beyond the school day and negatively influenced adolescents’ later interactions with parents at home. The finding of same-day peer stress spillover is in line with previous research on Western adolescents, which has demonstrated a significant association between same-day peer and family stress (Flook & Fuligni,
2008; Timmons & Margolin,
2015). Additionaly, this study extends the understanding of the daily stress spillover process with Chinese adolescents. This extension of prior work is particularly relevant given the extended time Chinese adolescents spend in the school context (Xu & Minca,
2008). Further, Chinese culture places a great emphasis on interpersonal harmony, with cultural norms and values centered around group cohesion (Oyserman et al.,
2002). In the context of these cultural values, Chinese adolescents likely place significant emphasis on maintaining friendships, perhaps making peer stress, when it does occur, particularly distressing and thus explaining the spillover of peer stress to the family context.
Contrary to the hypothesis, the main effect of peer stress on next-day family stress was not significant, suggesting that peer stress did not directly spillover to next-day family stress. This finding, though unexpected, is consistent with the idea that the effect of same-day stress spillover is more pronounced than that of lagged associations (Kiang & Buchanan,
2014). Since parent-adolescent relationships are dynamic and subject to daily fluctuations, they may be more susceptible to immediate influences, such as peer interactions within the same day. As a result, the influence of peer stress on family dynamics may tend to diminish over time and generally not extend beyond the day it occurs.
Importantly, however, emotional inhibition moderated both same- and next-day peer-to-family stress spillover associations. For adolescents with higher emotional inhibition, daily peer stress positively predicted same- and next-day family stress. By contrast, for adolescents with lower reported use of emotional inhibition, no same- or next-day associations between peer and family stress were detected. In other words, Chinese adolescents with higher emotional inhibition were highly vulnerable to same- and next-day peer-to-family stress spillover.
These moderation findings are congruent with previous findings from Western samples (Cameron & Overall,
2018; Srivastava et al.,
2009). In Western society, emotional inhibition is typically related to reduced relationship satisfaction and greater reported interpersonal disturbances compared to a lack of emotional inhibition (Cameron & Overall,
2018; Gross & John,
2003). Our results indicate that, for Chinese adolescents, there may be a similar cost to the utilization of emotional inhibition as a technique for managing interpersonal stress. Consistent with theory, emotional inhibition may alter the outward expression of negative emotions but not the internal experience of negative emotions. This emotion regulation strategy may leave adolescents with residual negative emotions despite the lack of outward appearance of distress (Brockman et al.,
2017; Gross,
2014). An alternative explanation is that external emotional expression, rather than internal emotional inhibition, is a mechanism through which individuals signal others that they need support. Inhibiting emotions may lead adolescents to diminish the external support they receive from others, exacerbating experienced negative emotions and minimizing support in coping with stress (Chervonsky & Hunt,
2017; Schacter & Margolin,
2019). Without being addressed, adolescents’ peer stress likely persists from one day to the next (Chung et al.,
2011; Lehman & Repetti,
2007). Thus, emotion inhibition may facilitate broader group harmony in the Chinese context, but it can also exacerbate stress management problems in adolescents.
In contrast to hypotheses, family stress did not significantly predict next-day peer stress, nor was this effect moderated by difficulties with emotion regulation. This result deviates from previous studies involving Western adolescents, which have indicated that family conflict can impact peer interactions the next day (Chung et al.,
2011; Timmons & Margolin,
2015). This discrepancy might be attributed to the fact that Chinese adolescents spend considerable time with their peers (Lam et al.,
2014). They spend most of their waking hours in the school environment as their school hours begin before 8 AM and end after 5 PM. Extended time at school provides greater opportunities for adolescents to both engage with peers and have potentially more conflictual interactions with their classmates (Xu & Minca,
2008). Further, adolescents often place a great emphasis on both peer relationships and exercising independence from their families more than ever before in development (Hale & Zeman,
2023). Once at home from school, Chinese adolescents likely spend no more than a few hours engaging with their parents prior to going to sleep, perhaps minimizing the impact of familial stress on next-day peer stress. Our assessment of family stress was also collected just prior to adolescents going to sleep (~9 PM), giving adolescents approximately 20 h in between their reporting of family stress and next-day reported peer stress. In this 20-h window, adolescents partook in an entire school day, potentially distracting them from the prior evening’s familial stress and thus helping to explain the lack of effects.
Of interest, emotion dysregulation did not moderate the same- or next-day association between peer and family stress, contrary to previous studies in other cultural groups (e.g., Adrian et al.,
2019; Suveg et al.,
2014). These lack of findings may be because, in Chinese culture, dysregulation is not a common strategy for regulating emotions. Rather, Chinese culture places a high value on emotional restraint and inhibition (Wei et al.,
2013), whereas excessive emotional expression is evaluated negatively and thought to result in disharmonious interpersonal relationships (Deng et al.,
2019). Thus, Chinese adolescents may be less inclined to employ a counter-cultural emotion regulation strategy such as dysregulation as a way of coping with intense negative emotions. Indeed, examination of mean values suggests that Chinese adolescents used inhibition more than they did dysregulation. Additionally, while dysregulation is thought to be a maladaptive emotion regulation strategy, it may not result in intense, residual negative emotions, unlike emotional inhibition (e.g., Aldao et al.,
2010; Brockman et al.,
2017). Rather, dysregulation may be an outward release of experienced negative emotions. Consequently, the stress an adolescent experiences in one social context might not carry over into another domain as adolescents are not continually attempting to suppress their own negative emotions.
Limitations and Future Directions
This study employed a rigorous methodological and statistical approach to examine stress spillover between peer- and family- contexts within a cultural framework. Despite these strengths, limitations are noted. First, although the directionality of spillover can be established using multiple assessments during the day, we cannot determine causality. That is, although we were able to draw conclusions about the temporal sequence of events, we cannot infer whether peer stress always preceded reported family stress. Second, daily diary entries on stress were based on self-reports from adolescents. Relying exclusively on self-report introduces the possibility of shared method variance, which could potential inflate the results. Future studies incorporating multiple informants may be helpful in addressing this current limitation. Third, while a strength of this study includes the novel investigation of stress spillover in Chinese adolescents, the present sample was relatively homogenous regarding socioeconomic backgrounds. Future work could engage individuals from diverse sociodemographic backgrounds. Fourth, the current study assessed the frequency at which adolescents use emotional inhibition and dysregulation as a general response to negative emotions, without specifically considering peer and family stress experiences. Future research should consider the daily assessment of adolescent emotion regulation difficulties and how these challenges relate to stress spillover to gain a more comprehensive understanding.
Finally, this study exclusively examined the spillover of stress between family and school contexts, neglecting the assessment of the positive dimensions of parent-adolescent relationships (e.g., supportive interactions and positive communication). These positive aspects are pivotal in comprehensively understanding the spillover process and the moderating influence of emotion regulation within it. For instance, perceived high levels of parental support and positive family communication may encourage adolescents to more freely express their stress and negative emotions. This openness, in turn, may reduce their reliance on emotional inhibition as a strategy for emotion regulation, thereby alleviating the school-to-family stress spillover effect (Bryant & DeMorris,
2016). Future research could include assessments of parent-adolescent relationships to enhance an understanding of the spillover process.
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