Introduction
The old adage “An ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure” has become increasingly salient in health policy over the past century (Catalano et al.,
2012). The goal of primary prevention is to promote healthy living conditions in order to prevent the development of somatic and mental illnesses. The social benefit of this approach is a reduction in public expenditure (Taubner et al.,
2013). SAFE (Brisch,
2010/
2024) is a holistic attachment-based primary prevention program supporting mothers and fathers during the transition to parenthood in multiple domains. As an important transdiagnostic determinant, it is important to address attachment style in prevention programs.
John Bowlby’s attachment theory is a fundamental psychological framework used to explain why individuals differ in terms of social, behavioral, and emotional adjustment over the lifespan (Bowlby,
1969/1997). Secure attachment is a protective factor promoting healthy development, including better self-regulation of emotion, behavior and cognition, and higher social competence (Groh et al.,
2014; Pallini et al.,
2018). In contrast, insecure attachment is considered a risk factor for the internalization and externalization of symptoms, and for cognitive deficits (Fearon et al.,
2010; Madigan et al.,
2016; Pallini et al.,
2019). Disorganized attachment is also a risk factor for externalizing problem behavior like aggression, as well as for dissociative symptoms; it is also a risk factor for the development of child psychopathology (van Ijzendoorn et al.,
1999).
Secure,
insecure-avoidant, and
insecure-resistant are the three organized patterns of attachment;
disorganized/
unresolved attachment is the fourth attachment pattern. The patterns differ in terms of the cognitive-emotional representations of the self, others and relationships, which in turn form thoughts, emotions and behavior, especially in social situations. Inner working models of secure attachment include expectations that others will be available for support. Securely attached children use their caregiver as a secure base to explore the environment. In times of distress, the caregiver responds sensitively and offers comfort, thus regulating the child’s unpleasant feelings (Ainsworth et al.,
1978). Internal working models of attachment insecurity are characterized by expectations about significant others (i.e., mothers and fathers) that include insensitive, rejecting, and generally untrustworthy behaviors. Insecure-avoidant children actively ignore their caregiver or avoid expressing negative feelings. Children classified as insecure-resistant show ambivalent behaviors: they demand excessive support but ultimately feel neither comforted nor secure (Fremmer-Bombik,
2002). Whereas most infants develop
organized strategies, some infants’ strategies appear to break down such that no distinct strategy can be identified. During times of stress, children classified as
disorganized often show contradictory behaviors, such as approach followed by freezing, the expression of fear and stereotyping (Main & Solomon,
1990).
According to attachment theory, early parent-child interactions are important for the development of inner working models of attachment. Meta-analytic data show that maternal and paternal sensitivity are important proximal antecedents of secure infant-parent attachment (De Wolff & van Ijzendoorn,
1997; Lucassen et al.,
2011). Caregiver sensitivity refers to their awareness, as well as prompt and adequate reactions to the child’s signals (Ainsworth et al.,
1978). Besides their behavior towards the infant, the parent’s own childrearing history is of importance. Mothers with a background of adverse childhood experiences (ACEs; emotional, physical, or sexual abuse) are at risk to be less emotional available in the interaction with their infant and to exhibit more likely harsh, intrusive, threatening or dissociated behaviors towards their infant (Rowell & Neal-Barnett,
2022; Crowell et al.,
2010). Mother’s own early ACEs were associated with increased mother’s parenting stress and with increased risk for child maltreatment (Lange et al.,
2018, Narayan et al.
2021). Empirically, the intergenerational transmission of secure attachment and for unresolved trauma has been documented (Verhage et al.,
2016). While research on infant-father attachment remains scarce (Rowell & Neal-Barnett,
2022), some studies showed that fathers’ unresolved relational loss predicted disorganized infant-father attachment (Berthelot et al.,
2015; Madigan et al.,
2011; Verhage et al.,
2016).
From an ecological perspective, there is a need to look beyond the proximal antecedents of attachment (Belsky,
2006). In his process model, Belsky (
1984) includes the social context in which the parent-child dyad is embedded. Empirical findings support a positive association between the quality of the interparental relationship and quality of the parent-child relationship (Erel & Burman,
1995). Greater marital conflict is directly associated with less security in child-mother and child-father attachments (Frosch et al.,
2000). Disorganized infant-mother and infant-father attachment is predicted by low marital satisfaction and exposure to marital conflict (Moss et al.,
2005; Owen & Cox,
1997). Through an indirect pathway, marital conflict affects parenting, resulting in rejecting, preoccupied or hostile behavior (Cummings & Davies,
2002; Hopkins et al.,
2013; Krishnakumar & Buehler,
2000). In particular, witnessing destructive conflicts, including verbal or nonverbal aggression and hostility, has a negative impact on children’s developmental outcomes (Cummings & Davies,
2002). The cognitive representation of a conflictual relationship within the family is not concordant with the representation of a secure relationship. In particular, the transition to parenthood is a vulnerable period; having a child is accompanied by personal, social, family and financial changes. There is a need to renegotiate the couples’ roles, including in the context of the romantic partnership, which is a potential source of conflict and psychological stress. A significant decline in marital satisfaction, and an increase in marital stress, has been well documented in meta-analyses (Lawrence et al.,
2010; Mitnick et al.,
2009).
Achieving a more comprehensive understanding of the multiple interacting determinants of secure attachment would have important implications for interventions. A secure parent-child relationship may be facilitated by numerous types of determinants. Mothers and fathers who build healthy interparental and parent-child relationships, and thus are responsive to the child’s needs and able to deal their own emotional needs, are potential lifelong resources for a child (Sroufe & McIntosh,
2011).
Although the desire to integrate fathers into attachment-based interventions was already evident by the end of the last century, most attachment-based programs are designed exclusively for mothers. The few existing studies on the effects of attachment-based and broader parenting interventions on fathers have reported positive impacts on family relationships, which in turn promotes child adjustment (Belsky,
2006; Cowan & Cowan,
2014). Moreover, fathers’ involvement in interventions was associated with higher effect sizes compared to when only mothers participated (Bakermans-Kranenburg et al.,
2003; Magill-Evans et al.,
2006).
A number of studies have shown that interventions effectively enhance mothers’ and fathers’ sensitivity, in turn promoting secure attachment of the infant. Video feedback appears to be the most effective method to improve maternal sensitivity (Juffer et al.,
2017). A small number of intervention studies focusing on fathers successfully enhanced fathers’ sensitivity to their infants (Bakermans-Kranenburg et al.,
2003; Buisman, et al.,
2022; De Waal, 2022).
Preventive interventions during the transition to parenthood designed to support couples had positive effects on mothers’ and fathers’ marital satisfaction, as well as on couple communication (Schulz et al.,
2006; Shapiro & Gottman,
2005). Furthermore, interventions addressing the quality of the couple relationship had positive effects on child behavioral problems like aggression and hyperactivity (Cowan et al.,
2011; Cowan & Cowan,
2014; Zemp et al.,
2016). Parents’ well-being is a potential target for interventions, where meta-analyses have indicated positive effects of interventions on the parental symptom burden (Taubner et al.,
2013).
SAFE is an attachment-based primary prevention program aimed specifically at mothers and fathers (Brisch,
2010/
2024). The main objectives of the program are to promote secure infant-parent attachment, prevent the intergenerational transmission of attachment insecurity and trauma, and support mothers and fathers as a couple during the transition to parenthood. The participants in the SAFE program learn about attachment theory and general child development. The program was designed to enhance mothers’ and fathers’ sensitivity in infant-parent interactions using video-based sensitivity training and individual video feedback. Mothers and fathers reflect on their own attachment experiences and unresolved trauma. The quality of the mothers’ and fathers’ couple relationship is also of central importance to the program.
The purpose of the current follow-up study of the SAFE long-term randomized control trial was to examine the effects of that attachment-based prevention program on mothers and fathers, and their children at the age of 7 years. In our first evaluation study, we showed that significantly more infants in the SAFE program (84.6%) displayed a secure attachment to their father after their first birthday than infants in the control group (65.8%). In contrast, the infant-mother attachment did not differ between the groups (Walter et al.,
2019). Long-term studies have the advantage of providing insight into the proximal and distal effects of interventions; sleeper effects may also be discovered. Current knowledge about the long-term effects of attachment-based interventions is limited, especially when mothers and fathers are involved in the intervention. Families who attended the SAFE program are expected to have significantly superior outcomes to the control group in several domains. In this study, we tested the following hypotheses:
(1)
Child domain: the children of couples in the SAFE program will be more likely to have developed a secure attachment representation by the age of 7 years;
(2)
Parent-child domain: associations of insecure mother and insecure father attachments with insecure child’s attachment will be less frequent among couples enrolled in the SAFE program, as will associations of mothers’ and fathers’ unresolved loss with children’s disorganization;
(3)
Parent domain: the increase in couple discord over time will be smaller, and the partnership quality will be higher, according to both mothers and fathers enrolled in the SAFE program;
(4)
Parent domain: the perceived benefit of the programs for mothers and fathers in the SAFE program will be higher.
Discussion
The goal of this study was to assess the long-term effects of the attachment-based SAFE program on children’s attachment representations at the age of 7 years, the intergenerational transmission of insecure attachment and trauma, and the mothers’ and fathers’ couple relationship. The study is particularly relevant due to the inclusion of both mothers and fathers in the intervention. Since secure attachment is a protective factor over the entire lifespan, it is also an important factor for prevention (Bowlby,
1969/1997).
The main findings of our study were as follows. Concerning the intergenerational transmission of attachment, we found that in the group of children of mothers classified as insecure, significantly more children in the SAFE group were classified as secure compared to the children in the control group. Regarding the quality of the couple relationship, we observed that the SAFE mothers’ increase in perceived couple discord over time was significantly lower than that of the mothers in the control group. The increases in the sum-score and scores on the following sub-scales were significantly smaller in the intervention group:
emotionality,
affective composition,
control, and
values and norms. We controlled for ratings of couple discord obtained before the intervention so that we could exclude effects of preexisting couple discord. In the cross-sectional analysis of the parents’ partnership quality at Time 2, 7 years after the intervention, mothers in the intervention group reported significantly higher partnership quality compared to those in the control group. Concerning the perceived benefits of the programs, the mothers in the SAFE group had statistically significantly higher ratings for
importance,
benefit,
reflection, realization, and
recollection. The fathers in the intervention group had significantly higher
reflection and
change of attitudes ratings. The effect sizes were medium to large, which is particularly promising given that effect sizes usually decline with longer follow-up (Giblin et al.,
1985).
Concerning our first hypothesis, we found no significant group differences. Nevertheless, the likelihood of being classified as secure and organized for children in the SAFE group was higher compared to children in the control intervention. Furthermore, the proportion of secure and organized attachments was higher in the SAFE group compared to comparable samples in meta-analyses (Gloger-Tippelt & Kappler,
2016; van Ijzendoorn et al.,
1999). Our results in terms of children’s attachment for the overall sample were in line with comparable long-term studies on attachment-based interventions, which found intervention effects in early childhood but not in middle childhood (Stams et al.,
2001; Zajac et al.,
2019). The lack of significant long-term intervention effects on children’s attachment may result from the children’s development. Through the sensitivity training in the SAFE group, mothers and fathers learned to respond to their young infants’ signals, i.e., to respond sensitively at the behavioral level. The question of whether the parents were able to generalize their knowledge about sensitive behavior in interactions with their newborns and transfer their skills to meet their older child’s needs remains unanswered. Refresher sessions on sensitive parenting emphasizing verbal expression during middle childhood may have improved the long-term outcomes.
The lack of significant group differences in the overall sample might also result from the measurement method. During middle childhood, attachment transitions from the behavioral to representational level (Kerns,
2008; Main et al.,
1985). In younger infants, the Strange Situation procedure is the gold standard to assess attachment. During the Strange Situation proximity seeking behavior is displayed by infants towards the caregiver, which is crucial for attachment classification (Ainsworth et al., 1987). In story stem procedures used in middle childhood to assess children’s attachment, children are instructed to complete the beginning of stories with attachment-relevant themes, such as pain due to an accident or separation and reunion with the parents. The coherence of the child’s narratives, help-seeking child behavior, and maternal or paternal assistance in their narratives are relevant for the attachment classifications. In samples in which the Strange Situation procedure is used, the percentage of secure attachment classifications is notable higher compared to similar samples in middle childhood using story completion procedures (Gloger-Tippelt & Kapler, 2016; Verhage et al.,
2016). Gloger-Tippelt and Kappler (
2016) argue that it is likely more demanding to generate a coherent narrative in attachment relevant situations than to initiate and maintain physical contact with the caregiver.
Our second hypothesis was partially confirmed: we found a significant group difference in insecure mothers. In the group of mothers classified as unresolved, no child was classified as disorganized in either group. Concerning the association of insecure father attachment, and insecure child attachment and the association between fathers’ unresolved loss and children’s disorganized attachment, we found no significant group differences. However, we observed a small trend toward superiority of the SAFE intervention over the control intervention. In a study using the Ulm Model, which is an attachment-based intervention for mothers in Germany, maternal attachment did not influence child attachment, but high risk status of the mothers (e.g. adolescent mother, low education level) moderated the effects of the intervention on mothers (Pillhofer et al.,
2015). Mothers at risk have benefited most from the attachment-based intervention (Zwönitzer et al.,
2015). Van Ijzendoorn et al. (
1995) assumed that interventions may only be effective in samples with mothers with insecure attachments.
We conclude, that attendance of the SAFE program reduced the risk of transmission of insecure attachment in mothers. The insecure mothers might have been more susceptible to new input or more motivated to learn about the mechanisms contributing to secure attachment. Concerning our fourth hypothesis, overall, the mothers’ and fathers’ perceived benefits of the programs even after 7 years; the significant effects were medium to large in both parents. We think that the following aspects of the SAFE program contributed to these results. The facilitators offered additional support to parents who answered in a dismissive or preoccupied manner, and or to those who showed signs of unresolved trauma during the AAI. During group discussions, the mothers and fathers had the opportunity to explore their own attachment history and reflect on the influence of their experiences of their own upbringing on their impending parenthood. The goal was to promote attachment-friendly parenting attitudes. The sensitivity training provided an opportunity to translate theoretical knowledge into practice. The parents learned to be emotionally available to meet the infant’s needs. The focus was on supporting the mothers and fathers and providing emotional support. The two facilitators focused on group cohesion. A trusting atmosphere allowed the parents to experience the group as a secure base. The mothers and fathers were invited to discuss and exchange their attitudes, expectations, concerns and joyful moments in relation to parenthood. Their parenting skills, as well as mothers’ and the fathers’ self-esteem as parents were strengthened in this manner.
Participation in one of the intervention groups might have reduced the risk of transmission of unresolved loss in mothers. To break the circle of intergenerational transmission of unresolved trauma, we explored traumatic experiences before the program started in all participants. During the individual sessions, the facilitators conducted the AAI with the mothers- and fathers-to-be. In case of signs of unresolved trauma, psychotherapy was recommended. One explanation for the absence of disorganized children in the group comprising mothers with unresolved risk might be that they obtained psychotherapeutic support to work on their unresolved traumatic experiences. Future research on the SAFE program should account for further counseling as a possible moderator effect. Juffer et al. (
2005) were able to show that a low-intensity intervention prevented disorganization in adoptive children, who were at particular risk of attachment disorganization. Although our control group had no focus on attachment, the intervention was nevertheless of high intensity. The parents learned a lot about child care during 10 full-day group sessions, which might have helped them to structure or regulate themselves while interacting with their child.
A question remains as to why we saw intervention effects on the correspondence of mother-child attachment but not father-child attachment. The results of previous studies on parenting programs revealed that the efficacy of interventions was usually higher in mothers than fathers (Zemp et al.,
2016). Furthermore, we know much more about the mechanisms that contribute to secure mother-child attachments than about those that lead to secure father-child attachments. The mechanisms of parental influence on the child’s secure attachment seem to differ between fathers and mothers (Grossmann et al.,
2002; Verschueren & Marcoen,
1999). The associations between fathers’ attachment and paternal sensitivity and infant attachment were weaker than those between maternal attachment and mothers’ sensitivity and infant attachment (De Wolff & van Ijzendoorn,
1997; Lucassen et al.,
2011; Van Ijzendoorn et al. (
1995). Contextual factors increase the risk of insecure father-child attachments more than they increase the risk of insecure mother-child attachments (Belsky,
2006; Bureau et al.,
2017). One of the most important contextual factors for fathers’ involvement in parenting, and thus for secure infant-father attachment, is the fathers’ perceived satisfaction with the parents’ partnership. The probability of secure father-child attachments increases when fathers have a sense of well-being in relation to their partnership with the mother (Fegert et al.,
2011; Lickenbrock & Braungarts-Rieker,
2015).
Regarding the effects of the intervention on the parents’ couple relationship in our sample, we observed an increase in couple discord over time in mothers and fathers in both groups, as reported previously (Belsky et al.,
1983; Mitnick et al.,
2009). In the SAFE group, the mothers’ increase in perceived couple discord over time was significantly lower than that of the mothers in the control group. Moreover, they reported significantly higher partnership quality compared to the mothers in the control group. Our results provide strong evidence that the intervention successfully attenuated the generally observed increase in couple discord in mothers and improved maternal partnership quality. However, in contrast to the interventions of Schulz et al. (
2006) and Shapiro and Gottman (
2005), and the 10-year follow-up study of Cowan et al. (
2011), who found significant intervention effects on mothers’ and fathers’ couple ratings, we found no significant group difference in fathers’ couple ratings. However, the increased couple discord perceived by the fathers in our sample showed a trend toward being smaller in the intervention group compared to the control group, while their subjective perceptions of partnership quality showed a trend toward being higher in the intervention group. In the couples-intervention of Shapiro and Gottman (
2005), a male and female facilitator ran the course, it may be that the fathers would have benefited more from our attachment-based intervention if there had been also a male facilitator instead of two women. We know from other studies on the effects of interventions on fathers that they can have difficulties in discussing personal concerns in a group setting. Some fathers reported fear of public scrutiny (Scourfield et al.,
2016). Fathers also felt excluded and less supported by professionals (Zanoni et al.,
2013). Additionally, the fathers in SAFE might have felt uncomfortable in the attachment-based prevention group focusing on group discussions about emotional experiences. This may have been the case for parenting as well as partnership topics.
Overall, it seems to be more difficult to achieve intervention effects in the more distal child domain compared to the proximal parent domain. Two meta-analyses on the effectiveness of early prevention programs in German-speaking countries showed no effects on the child-domain, although there were effects on mother-outcomes (Taubner et al.
2013; Taubner et al.,
2015).
Our results can be generalized to similar German samples, that is, to non-clinical and highly educated middle-class samples. The decrease in marital satisfaction after the transition to parenthood is particularly marked in mothers (Shapiro et al.,
2000), especially those with a high education level (Twenge et al.,
2003). Given that 82.8% of the mothers in our sample had a university degree, they were at high risk of a decrease in partnership quality. The most important implication of this study for clinical practice is the need to support mothers with insecure or unresolved trauma, to reduce the risk of the intergenerational transmission of insecure attachment or trauma in order to promote healthy child development. Furthermore, we think that it is essential to integrate fathers in attachment-based prevention programs. Future studies on the program including larger sample sizes should examine potential moderator effects to understand the underlying mechanisms for both mothers and fathers. Relevant questions for further studies on the SAFE program are as follows: Why have mothers, but nor fathers, benefited in terms of partnership quality and transmission of insecure attachment? Did fathers’ program attendance contribute to the effects seen in mothers? How can we adapt the design of the program so that fathers benefit more? The parents’ partnership quality and subjective benefits of the program should be examined as moderators of children’s attachment. Other potential moderators of children’s attachment are parental separation and the sensitivity of their behavior towards their child. Furthermore, we need to evaluate the intervention effect of the SAFE program in different populations (e.g., in samples of parents with low levels of education, or with different ethnical or cultural backgrounds). Investigating the efficacy of SAFE is important in clinical samples, as the children are at particularly high risk for insecure or disorganized attachment.
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