Introduction
Poor mental health, negative self-views and self-critical perfectionism are integral predictors and maintaining factors of nonsuicidal self-injury (NSSI; Hooley & Franklin,
2018). Studying NSSI as an unhealthy coping strategy in youth populations is crucial to better understand its growing incidence and individual differences in adolescents’ mental health and adaptation. Nevertheless, exploring associations between NSSI, subjective well-being, and perfectionism is unduly neglected in adolescence studies. In addition, a person-centered framework and focus on adolescents who have recently engaged in NSSI can help us to better understand the heterogeneity of NSSI. Against that background, the current study focuses on emotional, psychological, and social well-being, and perfectionistic attitudes in NSSI subgroups among adolescents.
The umbrella term of NSSI covers intentional self-harm acts but without the will to die (International Society for the Study of Self-Injury [ISSS],
2018). The most common forms of NSSI are cutting, scratching, hitting or banging, and burning (Klonsky et al.,
2014) with gender differences in their prevalence. Females tend to engage in cutting, carving, and scratching in greater proportion, whereas males are more likely to hit themselves (Barrocas et al.,
2012). In the last decade, different surveys have revealed an upward trend in the prevalence of NSSI among community adolescents (Cipriano et al.,
2017) and emerging adults (Wester et al.,
2018). In recent findings, lifetime prevalence of more than 50% for at least one episode of NSSI is not uncommon among youth populations (Calvete et al.,
2015). Throughout life, NSSI is the most common during adolescence in nonclinical populations (Swannell et al.,
2014). The typical onset of NSSI falls between 12–14 years (Glenn & Klonsky,
2009). However, longitudinal studies on NSSI observed downward trends in point prevalence from mid to late adolescence (Plener et al.,
2015).
NSSI acts strongly link to numerous unhealthy psychological processes (e.g., difficulties in emotion regulation, negative affectivity, alexithymia, self-criticism; McKenzie & Gross,
2014), impulsivity (Lockwood et al.,
2017), and personality traits such as neuroticism (Allroggen et al.,
2014) and perfectionism (Gyori et al.,
2021a). NSSI behaviors can also occur in different psychiatric syndromes, primarily in mood, personality, anxiety, and substance use disorders (Nitkowski & Petermann,
2011). In parallel, life satisfaction and global well-being are patently lower in NSSI samples (Gyori et al.,
2021b). A low level of subjective well-being is itself a risk factor for unhealthy emotion regulation (Verzeletti et al.,
2016) and psychopathology (Grant et al.,
2013). In addition, NSSI not only relates to mental disorders and may appear without mental illness symptoms, but poor mental health and unhealthy emotion regulation are closely tied with the risk of NSSI, irrespective of age and gender (Wolff et al.,
2019).
Adolescence is one of the life periods that brings about the largest changes in biological, psychological, and social structures. Maturational changes have far-reaching effects on adolescents’ mental health, emotion regulation, and behavior, even risk-taking acts. Specifically, developmental changes in the stressor-sensitive brain regions and not fully matured prefrontal cortical regions can increase the emotional and psychosocial imbalance during this period (Spear,
2000). This age-dependent sensitivity has significant effects on self and emotional regulation, and on subjective well-being. Greater emotional instability and dysregulation could be linked to the onset of NSSI typically in early adolescence (Glenn & Klonsky,
2009) and, compared with other life stages, the highest point prevalence of NSSI during adolescence, specifically in middle adolescence (Brown & Plener,
2017). An integrated theoretical model of the development and maintenance of NSSI (Nock,
2009) suggests that NSSI emerges and continues because these kinds of behavior can promptly regulate unmanageable affective and social experiences. A set of distal (e.g., genetic predispositions to high emotional reactivity and familial criticism) and proximal risk factors (e.g., poor distress tolerance and high aversive emotions), as well as NSSI-specific vulnerability factors (e.g., high self-criticism or NSSI is a relatively easily accessible process for emotion regulation) can increase NSSI as a manifestation of unhealthy coping (Nock,
2010). It is important to underline that self-punishment and self-criticism are one of the most common motivations for NSSI (Nock & Prinstein,
2004). These specific “self-abusive” NSSI-vulnerability factors are essential parts of unhealthy perfectionism.
Beside poor mental health, one of the most important NSSI related variables is the transdiagnostic factor of perfectionism, often conceptualized as perfectionistic strivings (high performance expectations) and another factor referred to as perfectionistic concerns (excessive self-criticism, concerns about making mistakes, and perceived inadequacy in meeting expectations). More so than strivings, elevated perfectionistic concerns seems to be a significant risk and maintaining factor in self-injury (Limburg et al.,
2017). However, relatively few research studies have tested the associations between these phenomena (Gyori et al.,
2021a). The underlying common mechanism in NSSI and perfectionistic concerns could be the high level of self-punitiveness, self-criticism, and shame (Flett et al.,
2012). On this basis, the perfectionistic concerns factor often is referred to as self-critical perfectionism (Dunkley & Blankstein,
2000). Moreover, unhealthy perfectionistic characteristics are typically associated with elevated negative emotions and poorer well-being (Fedewa et al.,
2005). Because the main reason for NSSI is regulating negative affective states (Nock,
2009), it seems possible that NSSI can reduce the negative emotions emerging from increased self-criticism and perfectionistic concerns (Chester et al.,
2015).
Most studies which analyze the associations between NSSI, mental health, and personality traits have been based on variable-centered approaches. A relatively small number of studies have used person-oriented approaches such as Latent Class Analysis (LCA) or Latent Profile Analysis (LPA) to identify distinct subgroups in NSSI. Furthermore, even fewer studies have implemented classification or mixture modeling approaches in studies of NSSI among adolescents. Although few in number, results based on person-oriented analyses have revealed important heterogeneity in NSSI.
Several studies have found support for four classes among young adults (Peterson et al.,
2019). Although the labels have varied somewhat, the findings seem very consistent in identification of classes. Generally, one class (e.g., “mild/experimental NSSI”) featured low NSSI with low levels of both intrapersonal and interpersonal motivations engaging in NSSI and expressed the lowest levels of mental health problems (e.g., anxiety, depressive or personality disorder), as well as the lowest emotion regulation difficulties (Singhal et al.,
2021). At the other extreme, members of a second class (e.g., “automatic functions/suicidal” or “severe NSSI”) had high and even multiple NSSI endorsement because of intrapersonal motivations and showed severe mental health symptoms (Klonsky & Olino,
2008). The two other intermediate groups (e.g., “multiple function/anxious NSSI” or “moderate NSSI” and “moderate multiple functions NSSI”) can be characterized by various combinations of moderate NSSI endorsement in different NSSI methods and diverse levels of psychological distress or internalizing symptoms (Case et al.,
2020). There have been instances in which a fifth subgroup, labeled “multimethod” with the highest level of NSSI-versatility and psychopathology, has emerged (Bracken-Minor et al.,
2012). In each of these LCA studies, the largest number of participants was concentrated in the “experimental NSSI” or “low NSSI” subgroups (between 21% and 73%), whereas the smallest concentrations occurred in the “multiple functions/anxious” or the “high/severe NSSI” subgroups (approximately 10% of who engaged in self-injury).
Two studies could only be located that analyzed NSSI latent classes among adolescents. In a Turkish youth sample, four subtypes of NSSI emerged: (1) low endorsement in NSSI acts, (2) high endorsement in self-hitting, (3) high rates of self-cutting, and (4) high rates of multiple forms of NSSI (Somer et al.,
2015). The multiple NSSI class showed significant psychological vulnerability. Among justice-involved juveniles, “low NSSI,” “moderate NSSI,” and “high NSSI” classes relating to different forms of NSSI were detected (Reinhardt et al.,
2021). The “low NSSI” group had the fewest dissociative experiences. Comparable NSSI subtypes appear in developmental research. In a 3-year longitudinal framework, three developmental trajectories in NSSI engagement were detected among middle school students: (1) stable low self-injury, (2) increase in initial low self-injury, and (3) decrease in initial moderate level of self-injury (Huang et al.,
2021). In contrast, over a 1-year time frame, four NSSI subgroups were distinguished among adolescents: (1) no or marginal NSSI, (2) experimental (initially low and continuously decreasing NSSI level), (3) moderate decreasing (decreasing level from a moderate initial stage), and (4) high fluctuating (oscillating but persistently high NSSI level; Wang et al.,
2017).
Discussion
Despite the significantly growing incidence of NSSI in adolescent populations, research focused on exploring the diversity of such behaviors among high school-age students is lacking. Using Latent Class Analysis, this study aimed to identify and map the characteristics of adolescent groups who reported self-injurious acts in the previous month. This person-oriented solution can separate juveniles into classes based on their self-evaluation on the severity of different NSSI methods.
Two interpretable classes emerged that are partly aligned with previous NSSI LCA studies. However, by the same token, it is important to emphasize that in previous studies, lifetime or past year prevalence of NSSI was usually used in the analyses. In the present study, current (past month) NSSI acts were considered during class identification. This is particularly crucial for youth populations, based on the potential of rapid and extensive physical and psychological changes during this life stage (Hazen et al.,
2008).
According to the results, 39% of the adolescents who had engaged in NSSI in the past month reported a severe engagement in multitude of NSSI behaviors such as cutting, biting, carving, pinching, severe scratching, hitting, interfering with wound healing, and sticking self with needles, together with moderate endorsement in burning, pulling hair and rubbing skin against rough surface. The adolescents in this subgroup engaged seriously and persistently in almost all the assessed NSSI methods. In view of this severity, this latent class was labeled as “Severe/ Multimethod NSSI.” Members of this group expressed more intrapersonal motivations underlying NSSI, reported more frequent physical pain during self-harm, and experienced a stronger urge for self-harm acts. More simply, NSSI may provide this group an easily available self-regulating tool against burdensome emotions and cognitions (Klonsky & Glenn,
2009). This reflects contemporary theories of NSSI, which contextualize NSSI using an affect regulation framework (Chapman et al.,
2006), as well as theories which explain NSSI from a developmental perspective. In a challenging life period like adolescence, NSSI is immediately available when affective and social experiences overwhelm the emotion regulation capacity of the young people (Nock,
2009).
Furthermore, higher intrapersonal motives underlying NSSI are significantly associated with higher perfectionistic concerns in this study. It may follow that any of these demanding affective states are arising from overwhelming self-criticism and perfectionistic concerns (Chester et al.,
2015). This is confirmed by the developmental model of NSSI, in which high self-criticism is an NSSI-specific vulnerability factor for NSSI (Nock,
2010). Self-criticism is a key element in unhealthy perfectionism (Dunkley and Blankstein,
2000), which strongly links to diminished well-being (Fedewa et al.,
2005). Therefore, there are reasonable grounds for believing that NSSI helps to ineffectively reduce negative affective states emerging from self-critical perfectionistic processes (Chester et al.,
2015). Stronger experienced physical pain during NSSI in the “Severe/ Multimethod NSSI” subgroup could further confirm this link. In previous studies, it is revealed that physical pain endurance is predicted both by engaging in NSSI and higher self-critical beliefs (Hooley & St. Germain,
2014). This study reveals that the use of multiple severe NSSI methods co-occurs with stronger experienced pain in adolescents. Higher experienced pain could be a marker of self-punishment for adolescents.
In addition, the “Severe/Multimethod NSSI” class can be characterized with the worst mental health state. This group more likely included languishing adolescents who had low values on emotional, psychological, and social well-being. In community adolescent samples, proportion of languishing adolescents is usually around of 6% (Keyes,
2006). In this study, the “Severe/Multimethod NSSI” subgroup comprises languishing individuals more than five times greater in proportion (32%) when compared to nonclinical youth samples. This implies that nearly one third of these youth can be observed with low positive emotions and satisfaction with life, reduced self-acceptance, personal growth, purposes in life, autonomy, environmental mastery, and decreased positive relations with others, as well as poor social contribution and integration (Keyes,
2006). This incomplete mental health state is a major risk factor for the development of depressive symptoms (Keyes et al.,
2010). Furthermore, internalizing symptoms and emotional problems are major risk factors for NSSI (Selby et al.,
2012). Although a cross-sectional study is unable to detect causal links, it can be reasonably assumed that inadequate subjective well-being exacerbates not only depressive symptoms, but also unhealthy methods of emotion regulation, like NSSI. Moreover, severe NSSI may also have a detrimental effect on emotional, psychological, and social well-being. Previous research showed dampened positive emotional experiences among those who engaged in NSSI (Bresin,
2014). These findings imply that enhancing components of positive mental health can serve as a protective factor against severe and habituated NSSI.
The second and largest emerging class (61%) in the current study showed a constellation of NSSI methods represented by a medium level of banging or hitting self, and interfering with wound healing, combined with low probabilities of cutting, biting, carving, pinching, and scratching. Due to the lower number and less severity of the NSSI methods, this subgroup was labeled as “Mild/Moderate NSSI”. Hitting oneself may not necessarily be obviously visible and could go unnoticed by others in a social setting. Moreover, interfering with wound healing may prove to be an even more inconspicuous method of self-harm. These NSSI behaviors do not require instruments to be implemented, which may explain why a greater proportion of adolescents who engage in self-harm used these methods. It should be noted that the two emerging subgroups differ in terms of number of NSSI methods and intensity, as well as in intrapersonal motivation behind NSSI and positive mental health conditions. Therefore, further research is needed to identity influences that might prevent transitioning from “Mild/Moderate NSSI” to “Severe/ Multimethod NSSI” classes.
Quantitative differences could not be identified according to age, gender, perfectionistic standards and perfectionistic concerns, or interpersonal motivations behind NSSI between the two subgroups. In a prior adolescent NSSI LCA study, age was not associated with class membership (Somer et al.,
2015), which may indicate that developmental transformation has little impact on existing NSSI latent class membership. Nevertheless, there is evidence that individual alteration, either decreasing or oscillating NSSI, in class membership could exist in a developmental context (Wang et al.,
2017). Further longitudinal studies can shed light on whether, how and why adolescents shift across NSSI latent classes. Importantly, gender appears to have no impact on class membership, consistent with previous studies (Lloyd-Richardson et al.,
2007). This result suggests that identifying as female is a risk factor for higher NSSI prevalence, but only when isolated from other factors (Bresin & Schoenleber,
2015). Furthermore, perfectionistic attitudes do not differ between the two NSSI severity classes. It appears that perfectionistic concerns are risk factors in general for engaging in NSSI independently of NSSI class membership (Gyori et al.,
2021a).
The more at-risk group regarding NSSI, the “Severe/ Multimethod NSSI” class, is somewhat similar to the “Severe NSSI” (Case et al.,
2020), the “Multimethod” (Singhal,
2021), or the “high rates of multiple forms of NSSI” (Somer et al.,
2015) groups identified in previous LCA studies. Each of these groups showed higher psychological vulnerability. The “Mild/Moderate NSSI” group in this study is comparable with the “Experimental” (Klonsky & Olino,
2008), the “Mild/Experimental NSSI” (Case et al.,
2020) or the “low endorsement in NSSI acts” (Somer et al.,
2015) classes regarding the proportion and characteristics of NSSI methods. However, in contrast with previous studies, which primarily comprised emerging adult samples, in the current adolescent study, only two subgroups emerged. These differences in findings might be attributable to sample differences as well as to the focus on recently experienced NSSI instead of lifetime NSSI and the full suicidal self-injury spectrum.
Although findings from the present study increase our understanding of person-centered analysis of NSSI among adolescents, the study has limitations. First, the cross-sectional framework did not allow for detecting causal links or following developmental trajectories in NSSI subgroups. Furthermore, a community adolescent sample was explored, in which teens diagnosed with former or current mental illness could also be included. However, psychiatric history was not explored and therefore, could not be controlled. However, screening NSSI in generally healthy juvenile samples is important because of the growing prevalence of the phenomenon in general youth populations (Wester et al.,
2018). Third, in this study, only secondary school students were involved. Considering the early onset of NSSI at approximately 12 years of age (Glenn & Klonsky,
2009), it is important to test whether the latent classes are replicable in early adolescence. Another limitation was the imbalanced gender ratio in the sample who engaged in NSSI in the previous month. Boys accounted for only one third of the initial and the current NSSI samples. Although the gender ratio in the total sample and in the NSSI sample were similar, future studies should recruit more representative samples based on gender to provide greater confidence in any detected differences in NSSI between boys and girls. Finally, adolescents completed study questionnaires in the school. Although trained investigators supervised this process, the stigma associated with NSSI may have resulted in socially desirable responding, which may affect the validity of our findings.
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