Introduction
Remediation in medical education is ‘
the act of facilitating a correction for trainees who started out on the journey toward becoming a physician but have moved off course’ [
1]. In the past, when encountering struggling learners, medical educators had little guidance on how to support or intervene effectively to ensure competence or make promotion judgments. In recent years, in response to frustration with the piecemeal approach to remediation and its potentially unacceptable consequence of graduating physicians not ready to practise safely, there has been a dramatic growth in the literature on remediation in medical education.
Reports of the cumulative prevalence of trainees in need of remediation have ranged from 2.0% in surgical residencies [
2] to 3.3% in medical school [
3]. The reported success of remediation has ranged from 77% [
2] to 100% [
3‐
5]. However, there is no standard definition of ‘success’, and most programs report only short-term outcomes. For example, one report showed that while 91% of students passed the first semester after remediation, only 61% had completed the entire program 2 years later [
6]. Additionally, the criteria programs use to identify learners needing remediation vary widely, even within the same institution.
Not surprisingly, as demands on trainees shift over the course of medical training, the types of remediation challenges change. Early medical students tend to struggle with knowledge and skills gaps, ways of thinking, self-regulation, and approaches to learning [
7]. In addition to insufficient knowledge, students in clerkships can struggle with patient presentation skills, foundational communication skills (e.g. introducing oneself), physical examination skills, and the application and synthesis of knowledge to create individualized patient plans [
8,
9]. For residents and foundation years (the 2 years immediately after medical school in the UK), knowledge can continue to be a major area of struggle [
5,
10,
11]. In addition, learners at these stages of medical training can manifest difficulty with clinical judgment [
2,
5,
10,
11], communication [
5], professionalism [
2,
4,
5,
11,
12], time management, and organization skills [
5,
10,
13].
Medical students and physicians are not accustomed to struggling. Selection into medical school requires high academic ability, and medical students are used to achieving. Consequently, when faced with academic failure, many may experience disproportionate emotional reactions that can exacerbate the problem and limit their ability to adapt quickly and focus on remedial work. In some settings, there may be a significant economic burden of failure (e.g. retaking exams or courses) which is mostly borne by the student [
14] or the program [
15]. We also know that some learners minimize, externalize, and blame faculty and the institution for their struggles [
16,
17], making it even more challenging for supervisors and institutions to provide effective remediation.
Medical education and training programs must navigate competing interests surrounding identification and remediation of struggling learners. Generally, educators may feel tremendous responsibility for, and often identify with, learners, particularly when such a great deal of time, resources, ego, and energy has been invested into medical training. Further, the presence of a struggling learner requires increased monitoring, counselling, and other costly remediation strategies, which may tax program and faculty resources. It may also damage the integrity of the program or negatively influence the experience of peers [
18‐
20]. In addition, the well-documented ‘failure to fail’ in medical education is troubling because it challenges the social contract medicine has with society by erring toward keeping marginally competent practitioners in the profession [
21‐
23]. It is common to give struggling learners repeated marginal passes that avoid addressing the underlying problems [
16,
24,
25]. Programs sometimes inadequately reassess learners in remediation, failing to ensure remediation was successful [
26]. Ultimately, however, the medical profession has a responsibility to ensure that it will graduate learners that fulfil its social responsibility for high quality, safe, professional care [
27].
In sum, faculty members must possess the confidence, knowledge of systems and standards, motivation, and self-efficacy to recommend a struggling learner for remediation, in part because this decision must be defended to all stakeholders, including the learners themselves, peers, program leadership, and society [
22,
28]. Medical curricula must create learning environments that support all students to thrive [
29,
30]. This is especially important as the profession works to increase access to medical careers for traditionally underrepresented populations. Having suffered structural educational discrimination, these groups may need extra support when entering a medical culture slow to change norms and values around learning [
31]. Moreover, institutions, concerned about legal consequences from trainees and future patients [
21], may intentionally avoid having official policies on remediation and probation [
32]. These phenomena, which together contribute to overall institutional culture, create barriers to effective identification of, and intervention with, struggling learners, most of whom will soon be (or are already) practising physicians.
We thus present these guidelines with the aim of aiding the development of remediation practice. The guidelines are divided into two highly interrelated groupings:
system and
individual level guidelines [
18,
20,
33].
While the systems-level guidelines above are critically important, ultimately the remediation process is highly individualized to the needs of the particular struggling learner. For remediation to be effective, the learner must be identified; the areas of struggle clarified; underlying causes or explanations explored and understood [
18]; a flexible remediation intervention crafted [
3,
90,
102,
103] and implemented; and progress assessed. Responsibility for remediation starts with course or program directors. The work of the clarification and intervention is mostly conducted within the remediator-struggling learner dyad. Finally, the responsibility returns to course or program directors for assessment of outcome. Ultimately a disposition judgment needs to be made (see Guideline 8).
The centrepiece of excellent remediation responses is establishment of an appropriate, achievable intervention or learning plan that directly addresses the deficiencies via skilled feedback [
34], often based on direct observation in clinical settings [
104]. However, remediation plans for individual struggling learners never exist in isolation. As previously mentioned, remediation exerts emotional impacts on and resource costs to other individuals in the program. For example, remediation interventions for one learner may be perceived by peers as unfair special treatment, especially if it requires those peers to assume extra duties to cover the time needed for the struggling learner’s remediation activities. We recommend that program leadership provides clear, supportive, empathic anticipatory guidance to peers of struggling learners, while maintaining respect for the remediating learner’s privacy. In our experience, this approach helps peers rise to challenges and gain a sense of positive, inspired, and supportive camaraderie. Finally, since resources to undertake remediation efforts are almost always limited, institutions and course/program directors must remain strategic in deployment, intervention, and evaluation (Guidelines 1 and 9).
Early identification of learners who struggle in many competency areas can maximize the success of remediation interventions. For knowledge deficits, early struggle on any assessment in the pre-clerkship phase of medical school predicts later underperformance [
22,
105‐
107]. Analysis of struggling students at one UK medical school suggested that a combination of predictors, including performance on examinations, unprofessional behaviour, health problems, social problems, and missed required vaccinations, may augur the need for remediation in the pre-clerkship phase [
108]. At another UK medical school, when early identification of struggling pre-clerkship students occurred at 4, 7, and 12 months after starting, more students participated in supportive services, compared with historical controls, and those engaging in one-on-one remediation services were more likely to successfully complete pre-clerkship studies [
45].
There is some literature that defines parameters that influence early identification of struggling students in clerkships. Pre-clerkship knowledge and early clinical performance predict workplace-based clinical performance in medical schools in the UK [
97], the Netherlands [
105], and United Arab Emirates [
109]. Low clerkship ratings and lack of student progress on communication skills or professionalism concerns predict failure on the patient-provider interaction portion of a high-stakes clinical skills examination given at the end of foundational clerkships [
110]. Students referred for remediation after their internal medicine clerkship were more likely to receive poor ratings in internship and fail USMLE Step 3 [
111]. Guerrasio reported that three medical students with previously-identified interpersonal skills deficits did not match into any residency program and therefore could not continue their medical training [
3].
Professionalism lapses predict future struggles in medical school and probably much more. Papadakis [
112] showed that while low MCAT scores (pre-medical school) and low grades during the first 2 years of medical school carry a 7% risk of subsequent disciplinary action as practising physicians, identification of unprofessional behaviour in that same period increases this risk to 26%. In a pre-clerkship curriculum, three or more unexcused absences from attendance-required sessions and negative peer assessment correlate with unprofessional conduct during clinical years [
113]. While personality measures seem to have little power to predict academic struggles [
114,
115], there may be an association between behaviour and personality. Physicians who demonstrated unprofessional behaviour during medical school scored lower on four out of six scales of the California Psychological Inventory [
116]. Finally, poor professionalism was the only statistically significant predictor for placement of clinically-based learners or practitioners on official probationary status at one US institution [
3].
This literature supports early identification of students who struggle with learning medical knowledge, patient care, and professionalism behaviours. However, more work must identify the best approaches to intervene early with underperforming learners in these domains and to mitigate the potential negative consequences of early labelling of a learner as ‘struggling’. (Guideline 25).
Ideally, multisource feedback facilitates accurate identification and effective remediation more than a single-rater tool or informal workplace-based observation [
117]. However, waiting to accumulate multiple pieces of evidence must be balanced against the risk of delayed identification of the struggling learner. Once a struggling learner is identified, usually as a result of an objective measure (for example, a failed exam) or a clinical teacher’s concern that a learner is not demonstrating the expected competency, it is imperative to review additional performance data. This review must be done with awareness of potential of implicit bias [
118] and the fact that clinical competence is greatly impacted by case specificity and should therefore not be determined based on a single case [
119]. Accordingly, when possible, we recommend multiple direct observations in more than one context (e.g. hospital, ambulatory clinic) across more than one clinical domain. It can also help if remediators have access to the academic records of the learner in order to assess for performance patterns.
It is common that non-academic factors contribute to or are a consequence of academic struggles. These include physical (new-onset medical conditions) and mental health issues (including psychiatric illness, personality disorders, substance abuse) and previously undiagnosed learning disabilities [
78,
108]. Obviously, young adults are at risk of experiencing other stressors including juggling family and financial challenges, navigating cultural and community expectations, dealing with hierarchy, all the while learning to deal with the significant strains and constraints of medical training. In particular, junior medical learners must learn to manage their distress about and frustration with a chaotic and poorly organized healthcare delivery system and adjust to poorly perceived or understood learning environments [
120], cognitive dissonance with ethical dilemmas [
121,
122] and poor role modelling [
94]. Assessment across multiple domains can also determine the overlap between skill deficits and attitudinal problems [
123]. Because responses to stress can be adaptive or maladaptive [
124,
125], only some learners facing these stressors may present with academic struggles.
International medical graduates, underrepresented minority trainees, older trainees, and trainees with prior failures are more likely to be identified as needing remediation [
126]. Students from underrepresented minority groups in medicine are potentially at risk of stress from the consequences of discrimination. Underrepresented minority students in medicine report regular experiences of microaggressions as well as overt discrimination leading to unpleasant or harmful psychological impact [
127]. Non-white candidates underperformed with respect to white candidates in the UK [
128]. In the US, medical students who are older, have a child, or self-identify as Native American or Pacific Islander have more frequent ‘serious thoughts’ of dropping out. These groups are also at greater risk of academic problems with significant psychosocial stressors [
129]. Similar patterns are seen in other contexts [
130].
Independent of actual ability, underrepresented minority learners are at additional risk of underperforming in academic settings when they become anxious about confirming commonly held negative stereotypes about them. It has been our experience that this phenomenon, called stereotype threat [
131], is operative in medical education. In a prior review of strategies for addressing struggling learners, Steinert speaks to this dynamic by explicitly asking, ‘whose problem is it?’ [
18]. A range of systems-level and interpersonal interventions reduce the impact of stereotype threat, including raising awareness of this dynamic and restructuring assessments to avoid inadvertently reinforcing stereotypes. Until societal, institutional, and interpersonal interventions reduce discrimination, remediators must remain aware of these dynamics and design remediation strategies which address the critical underlying causes of underperformance [
132], including advocacy for a student.
Even when the struggling learner is identified, early intervention may not follow [
118]. Weaker learners inaccurately self-assess, tending to overrate themselves [
99,
133]. In remediation programs specifically, only about 7% of struggling learners accurately self-referred to one guidance program; the majority of people in the program were high achievers with chronic anxiety about performance [
3]. Academically weaker students and those suffering burnout tend to avoid seeking assistance [
129,
134], so the system must do its best to identify and support these learners and the program must have the capacity, support, and willingness to compel struggling learners into remediation [
6]. Students who accept remediation demonstrate longer-term improvement in test-taking than those who decline [
135].
Most remediating students have multiple challenges and therefore generally do not respond to limited interventions, such as ‘teaching to the test’ [
3,
7]. Successful interventions rely on a holistic approach that combines content development and improving self-regulated learning strategies. Specifically, such strategies target both cognitive and affective domains of learning, and focus on study skills using relevant academic content as exemplars [
6,
7,
105,
136‐
138]. One common hallmark of these successful programs incorporates regular pre-arranged meetings to assess progress and achievement of goals, with high-quality feedback and assessments determining the need for mid-course corrections and/or consequences in the absence of acceptable improvement [
6,
139,
140]. For medical knowledge remediation, ongoing regular facilitated small group work can enhance learners’ study skills using evidence-based strategies, such as retrieval rehearsal (Guideline 4), mixing content and types of problems in a given study session rather than focusing only on one subject or type of problem (‘interleaved practice’;[
68]), generating explanations, and having students write their own multiple-choice questions [
6,
7,
105,
137].
Data support the benefits of longitudinal intervention and follow-up. In non-medical settings, effective programs encompassed at least 12 sessions [
139]. In pre-clerkship remediation interventions, Winston [
6] found a strong enough dose effect to mandate attendance for a full semester in order to ensure success for up to 2 years: 15 or more sessions doubled the long-term pass rates over 10 or fewer sessions, a statistically significant finding consistent with other relevant studies [
30,
104,
107,
137]. In addition to longer duration of remediation, longer-term follow-up leads to optimal outcomes [
141,
142] (see also Guideline 18). Finally, increased faculty face time with struggling learners decreased the probability of probation (referral to administrative leadership due to unsuccessful remediation) by 3.1% per hour spent, and of all negative outcomes, by 2.6% per hour [
3]. Of course, for pragmatic reasons, remediators must specify a time frame for expected improvement [
94]. We emphasize that time is not the only component of worth—quality of the remediation interventions matters (see Guideline 26).
High-achieving students exhibit increased motivation [
143] and have more awareness about how to effectively learn and cope with difficulty [
144]. In contrast, the literature describes struggling students as typically not engaging in self-regulated learning, making inappropriate choices of learning strategies for written and clinical formats of assessment, and using maladaptive strategies for coping with failure. These maladaptive strategies include relying on rote memorization, adhering rigidly to prior strategies that previously worked in other contexts, emphasizing time and effort spent studying rather than actual knowledge acquisition and improvement of understanding, and externalizing reasons for failure [
16,
99].
In struggling students, once the emotional reaction to failure passes, it is important to reframe failure as a normal, even expected or desirable outcome, in order to allow for readjustment of study approaches, re-examination of interaction challenges, and incorporation of improved techniques toward success. However, some learners externalize blame, which may manifest as an inability to process feedback, criticism of curriculum and assessment methods, dissatisfaction with programs that did not intervene earlier (and therefore are accountable for not upholding their implicit contract to teach effectively), and failure to seek formal support because it is viewed as policing. It is common for struggling learners to cycle through a range of these often contradictory negative attitudes as they come to terms with their predicament. Remediators who are able to establish a trusting relationship with the struggling learner can provide reality checks while providing empathic emotional guidance.
Remediation is most successful when remediators adopt a self-regulated learning perspective as a lens through which to view variations in learners’ beliefs and behaviours about remediation [
145]. It is important to address a struggling learner’s self-efficacy with respect to remediating and pessimism about remediation, even if the learner expresses negative or openly defiant attitudes at first. Collaborative design of the remediation plan (for example, introducing evidence-based study strategies and encouraging students to select the course material to apply them to) supports learner autonomy [
6]. Learners can develop their own formal remediation plans with personal reflections and specific strategies to gather evidence of improved performance [
146]. We reiterate that because it takes many struggling learners time to accept their situation, as mentioned above, programs must not rely solely on learners’ motivations to initiate remediation. However, one study showed that even with mandatory remediation, participating learners can still report high self-motivation [
7], suggesting that with patience, a supportive relationship, and time, these learners can strengthen their self-regulation skills and make progress.
Some residents and house officers may need extra support to develop the sophisticated level of self-regulation required to attain workplace efficiency and organization while also developing their clinical competence. DeKosky et al. [
13] report in detail on a process and tools to help residents organize around common time-consuming tasks, including admitting a patient efficiently, performing effective pre-rounding, and composing daily progress notes and presentations.
Mild to moderate lapses in professionalism are common. In our experience, strategies that support self-regulation are the mainstay of the most effective remediation in these cases. Engaging learners in supportive, non-judgmental conversations about their behaviour with experienced individuals or a professionalism committee can impel deep and behaviour-altering self-reflection [
147,
148]. Other well-publicized professionalism remediation practices include mandated mental health evaluation and critical reflection writing assignments [
86]. Importantly, it is generally acknowledged that lapses in professionalism occur on a continuum and that markedly egregious unprofessional behaviour is much less likely to be remediable, especially if there is a pattern of unprofessional behaviour and evidence of serious characterological disorder. It is critical to consider each case individually [
149].
Social cognitive theory posits that the effectiveness of group learning is based in discourse and development of critical thinking [
150,
151]. Numerous examples of instructional designs in medical education are based on this theory, such as problem-based and team-based learning. Particularly in remediation, struggling students are often ‘unskilled and unaware’ [
133] and may not recognize their own weaknesses. Seeing others with alternative solutions to similar challenges can help develop a sense of group identity and social regulation, which may in turn support self-regulation [
152‐
154]. This group approach can help reduce stigma by emphasizing the pride of belonging, supporting each other, and feeling understood rather than isolated [
102,
103]. Additional benefit arises when the group practises giving and receiving feedback. This develops lifelong skills of self-assessment, feedback, and possibly self-regulated learning. We note that while there is experience doing remediation for cognitive skills in small groups, there is no such evidence to support professionalism remediation using this strategy.
Expert faculty facilitation is crucial if remediation is to be done in groups. Skilful facilitation of small group learning, allowing for emotional support, explicit description and recognition of high quality work, and encouraging collaboration leads to success in both classroom-based as well as clinical skills remediation [
6,
76,
103,
143,
153]. Trained faculty can prevent groupthink and premature closure of discussion, which is especially important for struggling students [
93,
153]. In addition, faculty must highlight cognitive conflict and inconsistency, ask disruptive questions, and model intellectual curiosity [
155,
156]. In general, learners prefer supervisors to be present to enhance their learning [
156]; without guidance, they can develop bad habits and form ‘illusions of competence’ [
157,
158].
The evidence is that for many (but not all) learners, underperformance is a pattern over time rather than an isolated easily resolvable problem [
159]. This is likely multifactorial. An individual may initially have difficulty adjusting to the demands of medical education and training but ultimately acclimatize, or alternatively, never gain independent ability to accommodate to these demands. Only observation over time will tell. Additionally, even the most hardy learners have complex lives, and academic performance may fluctuate with non-academic demands on their time and energy. A supportive institutional culture encourages learners to self-monitor and seek help in adjusting to new challenges and invites private discussions about underachievement. These discussions can help both learners and faculty decide when and what type of support is necessary. For professionalism remediation, long-term engagement is needed to ensure that students have internalized new attitudes and skills.
Don’t knows
We know very little about long-term outcomes of remediation programs. We do know that there was no longitudinal improvement in one 5‑year study, for students who initially failed OSCEs and then engaged in a standard remediation plan with short-term success [
30]. Another case-control study of residents showed that remediating learners eventually reached competence levels similar to the mean but needed more exams and a longer time for completion [
95]. Among students who failed a clinical performance exam, Klamen and Williams noted an improvement in post-remediation scores [
96]. More of this longitudinal tracking of program outcomes is necessary to evaluate the efficacy of our interventions [
166], and we strongly recommend long-term monitoring of students who have undergone remediation. This kind of prospective, longitudinal follow-up may highlight, for example, that remediation in medical school or residency predicts practice difficulties in the future. Additionally, given that trainees commonly move along the training path from one institutional context to another, tracking learner progress across such contexts may further illuminate the extent to which remediation practices and systems are institution-specific and longitudinally durable.
Especially for specific situations and difficulties, we do not know when to determine the completion of a learner’s remediation. Reasons for remediation vary for any given student, and there is rarely a single deficit. Given the complexity of remediation work, it is likely best conducted and assessed on a case-by-case basis.
That said, the educational evidence base supports that teaching struggling learners with a toolbox of approaches makes good sense. The key is to maximize the evidence-based approach for every component of a struggling learner’s remediation plan. These tend to be complex, highly individualized interventions. Therefore, it is difficult to tease out the impact of any specific element of the intervention, making general remediation rules elusive [
138].
Though the weight of the data supports a dose effect (Guideline 15), it is unknown exactly how many interventions are necessary for optimal performance. Furthermore, a dose effect for clinical skills remediation is unclear, although the approach is quite similar to that of pre-clerkship remediation. In addition, it is possible that too many interventions may lead to a decrease in self-efficacy or independence. This is an area for future study.
Ideally, time-variable competency-based medical education (CBME) would make remediation as a separate educational activity irrelevant. However, trainees struggle for many reasons including, for example, ambivalence about career fit. Therefore, even in a fully realized CBME framework, there is likely to be a need for a ‘zone of remediation’ between the normal curriculum and exclusion [
27]. This zone framework demonstrates how educational practice in different zones is based on different rules, roles and responsibilities. Thresholds for moving between zones would require explicit and transparent policies and specific expertise in remediation. While currently there are very few examples of truly time-variable CBME, it will be important to monitor challenges experienced by students in such a system to understand how policy and practise in the zone of remediation will need to evolve.
The move towards CBME brings with it the opportunity for an alternative paradigm to the current identify-and-intervene approach to remediation. However, to do so will require a shift in culture, from regarding those who take a little longer than others to achieve the required competencies as struggling to thinking about learning pace as an individual factor in ultimate success in practice. This is difficult to conceive of in systems which inherently remain time-based and competitive. CBME may provide an opportunity to consider ‘struggling’ learners with more positive regard and take a broader view of the many challenges that our learners encounter, while maintaining our obligation of high standards to society.
Several studies show that many quantifiable measures of performance carry neither reliable nor specific information to identify struggling learners early in medical training. Personality and study skills inventories add little to prediction of performance [
114,
167] and are susceptible to faking [
115]. Learning style assessments correlate weakly with academic performance [
128], if at all [
168,
169]. However, some indicators may be fruitful for future research. For example, one recent study found that systematic faculty ratings of in-class participation predicted failure of year 1 medical students before students began to underperform [
170].
For clinical performance, USMLE Step 1 scores, part of the licensing exam taken early in medical school in the US, weakly predicted low clinical performance in medical school [
171] and low knowledge; they did not predict professionalism issues in residency [
172]. We believe that any further work to delineate some of these predictors must be balanced by the significant potential to stigmatize a student through early identification who would otherwise do well later in training. This paradox again emphasizes the utility of prospective, longitudinal studies.
Few studies have explicitly attempted to delineate what components are necessary and sufficient for an effective remediation program. The wider remediation literature suggests that different things work for different people and that there is a complex relationship between individual and systems/organizational factors. Ultimately resources are limited, and the list of possible remediation strategies is long, highlighting the need for research that informs remediation policy and practices [
17].