Introduction
Procrastination refers to the irrational behavior of delaying the start or completion of a task, even though this may result in negative long-term negative consequences (Steel,
2007). While procrastinating, the anticipated task is typically perceived as unpleasant or stressful and is deliberately postponed in order to engage in more pleasant activities, such as watching television (Pychyl et al.,
2000), sleeping (Klingsieck,
2013) or other leisure activities (Burka & Yuen,
1983). Prevalence rates of procrastination behavior are as high as 20–25% in the general population (Ferrari et al.,
2007) and are estimated to range from 70 to 95% in college students (Steel,
2007). Most studies have investigated procrastination in young adults in the academic context (e.g., putting off performance-related tasks such as studying for exams at university; Grunschel et al.,
2018; Katz et al.,
2014; Klassen et al.,
2008; Watson,
2001). There is, furthermore, evidence for procrastination behavior with regards to job hunting (Senécal & Guay,
2000), health-related behaviors (e.g., going for check-ups; Sirois,
2007), leisure activities (e.g., joining a sport group; Hen & Goroshit,
2018), tax filing (Kasper,
2004), or even saving for retirement (Topa & Herrador-Alcaide,
2016). These examples illustrate that procrastination behavior may be present across the entire (adult) lifespan; research so far, however, has almost exclusively focused on younger adults and has neglected how procrastinatory tendencies develop in older age. The present study set out to explore possible underlying factors that may influence procrastination behavior and its development across the adult lifespan.
There are numerous studies examining possible causes of procrastination. In a comprehensive meta-analysis comprising 216 studies and resulting in 691 correlations of different predictors of procrastination behavior, Steel (
2007) linked specific personality traits (e.g., conscientiousness, neuroticism) to procrastination behavior. Lower conscientiousness was strongly related to more procrastination behavior, whereas other personality traits like neuroticism and agreeableness only showed weak correlations with individuals’ tendencies to postpone the start or completion of intended actions (e.g., neuroticism showed a weak positive correlation and agreeableness showed a weak negative correlation with procrastination behavior; Steel,
2007). Some researchers consider procrastination to reflect a deficit in self-regulation (Balkis & Duru,
2016; Zhang et al.,
2018); which may be linked to both impulsiveness as well as perfectionist tendencies (cf. a meta-analysis, Sirois et al.,
2017. In fact, increased procrastination behavior seems to be associated with feelings of lower self-efficacy and high impulsiveness. Moreover, there is evidence that task characteristics and reward delay may also influence procrastination behavior. More difficult or more aversive tasks tend to be more often postponed than less difficult and less aversive ones; the longer individuals have to wait for their reward for working on an unpleasant activity (e.g., studying for an exam now, but only graduating in 2 years), the more likely they are to procrastinate (Steel,
2007). Taken together, procrastination behavior seems to result from a complex interplay of cognitive, motivational and affective factors which differ inter-individually and may interact with each other (Pychyl & Flett,
2012).
Studies indicate that procrastination behavior may be more prevalent in younger adults than in older adults, suggesting a reduction in procrastination behavior across the adult lifespan (Beutel et al.,
2016; Hen & Goroshit,
2018; Steel & Ferrari,
2013). In Steel’s (
2007) meta-analysis a strong negative relationship between age and procrastination was found, indicating decreasing procrastination behavior with increasing age. This observation was supported by subsequent studies: Gröpel and Steel (
2008) examined 9351 participants aged from 18 to 70 and reported a decrease of procrastination behavior with older age. Similarly, Steel and Ferrari (
2013) observed reduced procrastination behavior with increasing age in a large sample of 16,413 participants (mean age = 38.3). Consistently, Svartdal et al. (
2016) examined 2893 participants (mean age students = 24.03, mean age employees = 37.44) and reported a decrease in procrastination behavior with age. Furthermore, Beutel et al. (
2016) examined 2527 individuals aged 14–95 years and showed that procrastination behavior is highest in the younger age groups (14–29 years) and decreases with higher age.
Possible underlying mechanisms for this decreasing procrastination behavior in older age groups are largely unexplored. Some evidence suggests individuals procrastinate due to fear of failure, referring to the expectation of threat or aversive consequences in performance situations (Conroy et al.,
2007). Individuals plagued by fear of failure believe they are incapable of completing a task to their own expectations (Kachgal et al.,
2001), or that the demands placed on them are too high, and so they try to hide performance anxiety by postponing the beginning or completion of tasks (Ferrari,
2001; Haghbin et al.,
2012). Studies examining younger adults in the academic field showed a positive relationship between procrastination behavior and fear of failure (Haghbin et al.,
2012); hence, stronger fear of failure was associated with more procrastination behavior. Solomon and Rothblum (
1984) found that fear of failure explained 49.4% of the variance of reasons given for procrastination; similarly, Haghbin et al. (
2012) reported a positive relationship between fear of failure and academic procrastination in students who rated their own competencies as poor. Zhang and colleagues identified both a positive relationship between procrastination and fear of failure, as well as that fear of failure mediated the relationship between procrastination and self-worth.
In contrast, Schouwenburg (
1992) reported no significant association between fear of failure and procrastination in students. Similarly, Steel’s (
2007) meta-analysis found only a weak relationship between procrastination and fear of failure. Thus, empirical evidence is somewhat mixed. Conceptual and methodological differences in the assessment of fear of failure, such as unidimensional constructs versus aggregated scores comprising various constructs or scales, may explain these inconsistent findings (Haghbin et al.,
2012). Steel (
2007) grouped fear of failure together with appraisal anxiety, social perfectionism, and self-esteem. This is to be noted, as Conroy et al. (
2007) argued for fear of failure and perfectionism to be considered as distinct constructs that need to be assessed separately. Recent studies that used the multidimensional Performance Failure Appraisal Inventory (PFAI; Conroy et al.,
2002) to measure fear of failure have reported a positive relationship between fear of failure and procrastination in academic settings (Haghbin et al.,
2012; Zarrin et al.,
2020; Zhang et al.,
2018).
The relationship between fear of failure and procrastination has so far primarily been investigated in younger adults. Studies suggest that fear of failure already starts to develop in childhood between the age of 5 to 10 years (Atkinson,
1957). Conroy et al. (
2007) examined 97 female athletes (aged 8–18) and reported higher fear of failure in older as compared to younger children. Fear of failure is highly prevalent in academic and achievement-related domains (Haghbin et al.,
2012), such as at college (Solomon & Rothblum,
1984) or in competitive sports in young athletes (Conroy et al.,
2007). Therefore, as adulthood progresses, the context and experience of fear of failure may change and possibly even decrease, indicating a need for further research into the impact of fear of failure in young adults on different aspects of life, arguably particularly academically connotated areas.
Studies in younger adults have reported a negative association of fear of failure with self-esteem; hence, more fear of failure was related to lower self-esteem (Senécal et al.,
1995; Steel,
2007; Zhang et al.,
2018). Robins et al. (
2002) found that self-esteem decreases in adolescence and young adulthood, gradually increases across middle and older adulthood, only to then decrease again in very old age. This increase in self-esteem in middle adulthood may be associated with reduced fear of failure and may contribute to the observed decline in procrastination behavior in older adults. Beutel et al. (
2016) suggested that some of the factors associated with procrastination, such as anxiety, may be more prevalent in younger age groups and may contribute to their increased procrastination behavior. Haghbin et al. (
2012) reported a positive relationship between procrastination and fear of failure in students who rated their own competencies as poor. Subjective competence increases with older age (Roberts et al.,
2006), and may therefore also influence the development of procrastination and fear of failure across the lifespan. Furthermore, students suffering from fear of failure sometimes experience their tasks as aversive and beyond their abilities (Blunt & Pychyl,
2000; Haghbin et al.,
2012). An older person with more work experience and a steady job with recurring tasks and activities may feel less overwhelmed or “challenged” by their tasks than students. Similarly, educational programs at universities may require more independent organization and scheduling of timetables, whereas, work schedules typically provide a set time frame and daily schedule which may reduce procrastination behavior (Beutel et al.,
2016) as well as influence the experience of fear of failure.
The goals of the present study were: To investigate the development of procrastination behavior and fear of failure across the adult lifespan, and, furthermore, to explore the possibly mediating effect of fear of failure on procrastination. Using two questionnaires, participants were asked to rate their procrastination behavior and fear of failure. In addition, real-life procrastination behavior was assessed using a diary task adapted from Altgassen et al. (
2019); during said task, participants were asked to state five intentions they intend to execute within the next three days. After three days participants were contacted again to assess whether or not intentions were completed.
The present study examined the following hypotheses:
1.
In line with previous studies (Beutel et al.,
2016; Steel,
2007; Hen & Goroshit,
2018; Steel & Ferrari,
2013), we expected a decline of procrastination behavior across the adult lifespan.
2.
Given the observed increase in self-esteem across the adult lifespan, we expect a decrease of fear of failure with increasing age.
3.
Given evidence in younger adults (Haghbin et al.,
2012; Zarrin et al.,
2020; Zhang et al.,
2018), we predicted the relationship between age and procrastination to be (partially) mediated by fear of failure.
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