Introduction
Spatial ability is typically defined as being able to generate, retain, retrieve, and transform mental visual images (Lohman,
1996). This ability plays an important role for educational success (Newcombe et al.,
2018) and was predictive for pursuing a career in Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) disciplines. For example, in a large-scale study based on a sample of more than 400′000 adolescents, it was found that spatial ability in grade 9–12 predicted later career choices in STEM-related fields, even after controlling for other cognitive abilities (Wai et al.,
2009). This result underlines the unique role of spatial thinking for
entering STEM fields but other studies indicated also predictions of professional
success in STEM disciplines (Kell et al.,
2013). With respect to children, several studies have shown that spatial thinking relates particularly to children’s mathematical achievement (e.g., Judd & Klingberg,
2021; Lauer & Lourenco,
2016; Möhring et al.,
2021; Verdine et al.,
2017; for meta-analyses, see Atit et al.,
2022; Xie et al.,
2020). This result may not come as a surprise given that several mathematical themes such as geometry are inherently spatial. However, evidence for children’s spatial-numerical relations was also found for topics such as calculating with symbolic Arabic numbers (e.g., Frick,
2019; Gunderson & Hildebrand,
2021; Gunderson et al.,
2012; Moè,
2018).
Several studies have operationalized spatial thinking by measuring children’s performance in a mental rotation task (e.g., Carr et al.,
2017; Casey et al.,
1995; Kyttälä & Lehto,
2008; Mix et al.,
2016; for a review, see Mix & Cheng,
2012). Mental rotation is a prototypical spatial skill and refers to participants’ ability to mentally represent an object and to transform this mental image (for a review, see Frick et al.,
2014). According to a recent classification model (Newcombe & Shipley,
2015; Uttal et al.,
2013), mental rotation involves processing the intrinsic information within an object (i.e., the relations between parts of a single object), as well as being able to dynamically transform the entire object. Following this classification model, spatial skills can also involve processing static or extrinsic information (i.e., relations between an object and other surrounding objects). However, the majority of studies investigating relations between spatial and mathematical skills has focused on intrinsic, dynamic spatial skills like mental rotation (Young et al.,
2018). Moreover, Mix et al. (
2016) showed that mental rotation showed specific cross-loadings on a spatial and mathematical factor in a factor analysis, so that the authors concluded that certain spatial skills may have a particularly strong relation with mathematics.
In a typical mental rotation task (Shepard & Metzler,
1971), adults are presented with two objects in different orientations and are asked to decide whether these objects are identical or not. In some trials, objects are the same and can be superimposed by mentally rotating one object into the same position as the other object, whereas in other trials, one object is a mirror image and can never be superimposed. Using different rotation angles, it was found that participants’ response times (RTs) and errors in these same-different decisions increased linearly with larger angles. This linear function has been interpreted in favor of analog mental representations (i.e., mental images) in the human mind (Kosslyn,
1975; Kosslyn et al.,
1990), which can be dynamically transformed. This respective task has been successfully adapted to even younger age groups and studies indicated that children as young as 5–6 years can successfully rotate objects in their minds (e.g., Estes,
1998; Marmor,
1975; Perrucci et al.,
2008; for a review, Frick et al.,
2014), with easier tasks indicating early beginnings in infancy (Hespos & Rochat,
1997; Möhring & Frick,
2013; Moore & Johnson,
2008; Quinn & Liben,
2008; Schwarzer et al.,
2013).
Several studies indicated a close connection between children’s mental rotation and mathematical achievement (e.g., Carr et al.,
2017; Casey et al.,
1995; Kyttälä & Lehto,
2008; Mix et al.,
2016; for a review, see Mix & Cheng,
2012). This result has led to speculations that spatial thinking and in particular mental rotation might be harnessed to improve mathematical thinking. Studies have begun to conduct spatial trainings and investigated far transfer to mathematical learning (e.g., Gilligan et al.,
2020; Lowrie et al.,
2017). A recent meta-analysis has summarized these intervention studies and yielded beneficial effects of spatial training on children’s mathematical achievement (Hawes et al.,
2022). This outcome supports a causal relation between spatial and mathematical skills. Further support for this causal relationship comes from cross-lagged panel models indicating that
early spatial skills predict
later mathematical abilities whereas a similar, reversed relation seems unsupported (Fung et al.,
2020; Kahl et al.,
2022, but see Geer et al.,
2019).
In light of these studies, it seems crucial and timely to increase our understanding about the mechanisms underlying this link between space and math (Lowrie et al.,
2020; Mix,
2019). As spatial trainings were often broadly conceptualized, it is hard to pinpoint the critical factors that help improving mathematical skills. Of course, the ideal way to investigate causality requires an experimental methodology (Bailey,
2017). However, a first step may refer to examining potential intervening processes in this space-math relation. An increased knowledge about these intervening processes is crucial for planning subsequent experimental and longitudinal approaches. Moreover, findings will yield important implications for theory and practice by for instance informing educational policies or enriching spatial trainings.
One intervening process that has been outlined in previous research referred to children’s representations of numbers on a mental number line (Gunderson et al.,
2012). In her original study, Gunderson and colleagues showed relations between 5-year-olds’ mental transformations skills and their symbolic calculation skills at age 8. Importantly, this relation was fully mediated by children’s number line estimations at age 6 (Gunderson et al.,
2012). The authors concluded that spatial skills may help children to form a meaningful numerical representation, in which numbers are linearly ordered from small to large. Given that this respective study has used a rather small sample (
N = 42), several follow-up studies tried to replicate this finding but failed to show this mediation (e.g., Frick,
2019; Gunderson & Hildebrand,
2021; LeFevre et al.,
2013). Therefore, at least until now, this intervening process between space and math via number line representations remains rather unsupported.
Arithmetic strategies: decomposition matters?
Another potential candidate that has been proposed in previous studies might be children’s strategy use (for a review, see Casey & Fell,
2018; Casey et al.,
2017; Foley et al.,
2017; Laski et al.,
2013). When children solve calculation problems, they may choose from a variety of strategies, ranging from counting strategies to higher-level mental strategies such as decomposition and fact retrieval from memory. Decisions about strategy use depend on children’s knowledge and current task demands, and reflect children’s beliefs about which strategy may yield the greatest accuracy for this respective problem (Shrager & Siegler,
1998).
Several strategies have been differentiated in previous studies (Casey et al.,
2017; Laski et al.,
2013; Ramirez et al.,
2016). For example, children may count each addend of an arithmetic problem (e.g., 5 + 2) and then count the total (e.g., they count to 5 and then count to 2, and finally count all the numbers from 1 to 7). Such a
count-all strategy is very time intensive. Another quicker counting strategy refers to the
count-on strategy, in which children count one addend and then add the numerical value of the other addend (e.g., they count to 5, and then count 6, 7 to solve the same problem as above). Counting strategies are helpful when computing problems with small numbers (< 10), which can be easily solved using our fingers. However, as soon as numbers exceed 10, counting strategies become less efficient and more error-prone. Consequently, one of the major mathematical accomplishments during early primary school is that children learn to overcome these relatively simple counting strategies towards implementing more advanced mental strategies (Carr & Alexeev,
2011). One example of a higher-level mental strategy refers to fact retrieval. When using this strategy, children would mentally recall the result from memory because they learnt the result by heart. Another higher-level mental strategy refers to decomposition. When using this respective strategy, a child would simplify a mathematical problem by decomposing a number into smaller parts and taking multiple steps to solve the problem. Such a decomposition strategy can build upon the base-10 properties of the number system (e.g., when changing 5 + 8 to 5 + 5 + 3). But decomposition can also be based upon previously learnt number facts when using identical addends (when changing 6 + 8 to 6 + 6 + 2) or when transforming the problem into a better-known problem (when changing 12 + 7 to 12 + 3 + 4; Laski et al.,
2014). These decomposition strategies can be used with several types of arithmetic problems but the probability of choosing this strategy increases when problems involve larger number (Laski et al.,
2014). Moreover, children use more likely base-10 decomposition strategies when problems require a decade change (Laski et al.,
2014).
Previous studies have revealed close links between these decomposition strategies and spatial skills including mental rotation tasks (e.g., Laski et al.,
2013). Moreover, decomposition in 1st grade was closely related to later mathematical understanding (Carr & Alexeev,
2011; Geary,
2011). Importantly, research showed that children’s spatial skills predicted their later mathematical abilities via their usage of decomposition strategies, thus indicating an intervening pathway via decomposition (Casey et al.,
2017; visual-spatial working memory: Foley et al.,
2017). In the study from Casey et al. (
2017), the authors used a decomposition task (i.e., the block design task from the WISC-IV) as well as two mental rotation tasks. All of these tasks tap intrinsic-dynamic spatial abilities in accordance to the classification model from Newcombe and Shipley (
2015) and Uttal et al. (
2013). Building upon these findings, it seems that spatial skills may help representing numerical magnitudes and allow children to dynamically segment these large magnitudes into smaller parts. Following this line of argumentation, spatial skills may help visualizing numerical magnitudes (i.e., 8), help segmenting and transforming these magnitudes (e.g., splitting the same magnitude into 3 and 5), which results in higher frequencies of decomposition strategies. Ultimately, these visualization and transformation processes help increasing mathematical performance.
These studies are important starting points and support the notion of decomposition strategies being an intervening pathway connecting spatial and mathematical skills. However, most of these studies were exclusively conducted with girls (Casey et al.,
2017; Laski et al.,
2013), or with relatively small samples (
N = 78; Foley et al.
2017). Consequently, it remains unclear whether decomposition is a critical intervening process interlinking
boys’ spatial and mathematical reasoning and thus, might be a universal intervening process. Second, important control variables such as fluid reasoning were missing in these previous studies (for a discussion, cf. Casey and Ganley
2021), which seems important given close associations between fluid reasoning, spatial and mathematical skills (e.g., Atit et al.,
2022; Peng et al.,
2019).
The present study
Building upon this research, in the present study, we aimed to investigate whether children’s mental rotation skills relate to their accuracy in solving arithmetic problems via their usage of decomposition strategies. To this end, we examined a sample of 6- to 8-year-olds (
N = 183) with a classic chronometric mental rotation task. We used particularly a mental rotation task for two reasons: On the one hand, it is a prototypical spatial task which was used rather extensively in previous research on the topic (e.g., Casey et al.,
1995; Frick,
2019; Mix et al.,
2016), enabling comparability among different studies. On the other hand, this task allows investigating whether children transform their mental visual images dynamically. In line with mental rotation research (Kosslyn,
1975; Kosslyn et al.,
1990; Shepard & Metzler,
1971), we expected children’s RTs and errors to be linear functions of rotation angle which would support dynamic transformation strategies.
In addition, we asked children to solve several arithmetic problems and assessed their solution strategies. To this end, after each arithmetic problem, children were asked about their strategies. Children’s explanations as well as their overt behavior was used to classify strategies in line with previous research (Laski et al.,
2013; Ramirez et al.,
2016). To answer the research question whether mental rotation skills correlated with children’s arithmetic problem solving via decomposition, we computed a multiple mediation model, in which all arithmetic strategies were entered simultaneously. This approach enabled examining the uniqueness of each mediator in the relation between mental rotation and arithmetic skills. In accordance of previous research (Casey et al.,
2017; Foley et al.,
2017), we expected to see relations between children’s mental rotation and arithmetic skills via their usage of decomposition. We expected to see this indirect effect at least in girls, but additionally explored the same effect in boys. Analyses were controlled for age, sex, verbal and fluid reasoning. Previous studies suggested differential relations between spatial and mathematical skills for girls and boys (e.g., Klein et al.,
2010). Therefore, in an additional set of analyses, we checked whether the relations among mental rotation, arithmetic skills and strategies differed between males and females by adding interaction terms to the multiple mediation model.
Discussion
In the present study, we investigated whether children’s mental rotation and arithmetic skills were linked via their usage of arithmetic strategies. In line with previous research (Casey et al.,
2017; Foley et al.,
2017), it was found that children with higher mental rotation skills were more inclined to use higher-level mental strategies such as decomposition which in turn increased their accuracy of solving arithmetic problems. Notably, this result holds when controlling for maturational effects as reflected in age, but also when accounting for fluid and verbal reasoning. Overall, it seems that decomposition plays a unique role as an intervening process linking children’s mental rotation and arithmetic skills when considering that this respective strategy remained significant after simultaneously controlling for other strategies. This result can be interpreted such that spatial skills may help visualizing numerical magnitudes and increase flexibility in segmenting this magnitude into smaller parts. In turn, decomposing numbers is a powerful strategy to cope with complex arithmetic problems. Notably, this indirect effect did not emerge for the other mental strategy fact retrieval, highlighting that it is specifically the visualization and transformation process that is related to decomposition skills and not so much the memory process. If these associations would emerge just because memory skills are required in all our tasks, we would expect similar indirect relations via retrieval skills; however, mental rotation and retrieval were found to be unrelated to each other.
Moreover, this indirect effect emerged for arithmetic problems with decade change and those without decade change. In line with previous research (Laski et al.,
2014), our results indicated that children used decomposition strategies more frequently in complex problems involving a decade change (when changing 15 + 8 to 15 + 5 + 3), even though it should be pointed out that they also decomposed numerical magnitudes in problems without decade change (when changing 12 + 7 to 12 + 3 + 4). This result does not necessarily undermine our main finding but rather shows that visualization and transformation processes are helpful for any kind of segmenting numerical magnitudes, no matter whether children would segment magnitudes along with the base-10 numerical system or in accordance with recently learnt number facts. Additionally, our results lend support to a number of previous studies showing that decomposition is closely related to mathematical achievement (Carr & Alexeev,
2011; Fennema et al.,
1998; Geary et al.,
2004). Overall, our findings accord to research showing close relations between girls’ spatial skills and their usage of decomposition (Casey et al.,
2017; Laski et al.,
2013) and extend this result to boys, highlighting that decomposition might be a universal intervening process in spatial-numerical associations.
In a set of follow-up multiple mediation models, we investigated whether boys and girls differed with respect to the strength of the relations among mental rotation, arithmetic strategies and calculation skills. However, our data did not yield any differences between girls and boys in the investigated relationships, as none of the interaction terms with sex were significant. Therefore, it seems that sex was not a moderating variable in the relations among mental rotation, arithmetic strategies, and arithmetic skills. Beyond these similarities in girls and boys, our results also showed some sex differences. Our findings suggested that girls were more inclined to use count-on strategies as opposed to higher-level mental strategies (decomposition and retrieval). Girls’ preference for counting strategies has been shown quite often in previous research (e.g., Carr & Davis,
2001; Carr et al.,
2008; Fennema et al.,
1998; Jordan et al.,
2008), and seems to persist at least up to 5th grade (Imbo & Vandierendonck,
2007). Unfortunately, girls’ preference for counting strategies precludes leveraging opportunities to practice and improve more efficient higher-level mental strategies. Thus, this higher frequency of using counting strategies may constitute a risk factor for girls’ mathematical learning.
But why do girls and boys perform so differently in arithmetic strategy use? One explanation refers to girls’ difficulties in spatial reasoning (Casey & Fell,
2018; Laski et al.,
2013). A robust male advantage in spatial skills and especially in mental rotation has been shown repeatedly and seems to increase with age (Miller & Halpern,
2013; for meta-analyses, see Linn & Petersen,
1985; Voyer et al.,
1995). Even though this topic has been intensively investigated and discussed (e.g., Levine et al.,
2016), as for today, it remains unknown why this difference emerges and persists (for a discussion, see Frick et al.,
2014). With respect to our results, we see partial support for the hypothesis that girls’ lower frequency of higher-level strategies may refer to difficulties in spatial reasoning given that children’s mental rotation was indeed related to their usage of decomposition strategies. However, our findings did not support a sex difference in our chronometric mental rotation task, which is in line with findings of a recent meta-analysis, showing that a sex difference in mental rotation develops slowly across primary school (Lauer et al.,
2019). Future studies may closely investigate this sex difference in strategy use and the role of spatial reasoning, with the goal to increase our in-depth understanding and provide equal opportunities for mathematical learning.
Strengths and limitations
We consider it a strength of the present study that we have used widely acknowledged tasks which seemed to be suitable for children in the present age range. Furthermore, our sample size provided sufficient power in accordance to our power analysis, even though it would be preferrable to have an even larger sample size to investigate differential effects and interactions in the sample. Finally, we controlled for a number of influential variables that have been shown to influence children’s spatial and mathematical reasoning such as fluid reasoning (Atit et al.,
2022; Peng et al.,
2019), verbal ability (Kahl et al.,
2021), as well as parental education (Carr et al.,
2017; Möhring et al.,
2021).
However, despite these strengths, it is also crucial to acknowledge the limitations of the present study when interpreting and drawing consequences from our results. First, the design was cross-sectional in nature. Even though we probed our findings by computing alternative, reversed models, it is crucial to replicate the present findings using a longitudinal design with several measurement time points. Second, our sample size spanned an age range from 6 to 8 years of age. Whereas decomposition might be an intervening process at this particular age, it seems possible that other (or multiple) intervening processes might be prominent at other ages. Future studies may examine a variety of intervening processes (including number line estimations, arithmetic strategies and others) and longitudinally track children to investigate multi-causal relations and see how these change with increasing age. Another limitation refers to the present chronometric mental rotation task. Even though this task allowed to assess whether children’s RTs and errors would be a linear function of the rotation angle, it would have been preferrable to assess additional spatial measures. Adding more measures from the intrinsic-dynamic category of spatial skills (cf. Newcombe & Shipley,
2015) would allow to create a latent variable and thus, a unified, error-free indicator of spatial skills. Additionally, including tasks from other categories in this typology would allow exploring whether decomposition relates specifically to the aspect of visualizing intrinsic properties or transforming them dynamically. Future studies may disentangle these aspects and investigate their specific relations to decomposition in particular and mathematics in general (for initial results, see Bates et al.,
2020). A final limitation is that we did not videotape children’s mathematical performance, precluding a double-coding of arithmetic strategies, and determining inter-rater reliability.
Educational implications
Findings of the present study can be transferred into a number of educational implications. First, the present study highlights once more that spatial thinking is an important cognitive ability when learning and succeeding in mathematics. Building upon evidence which emphasizes the malleability of spatial skills (for a meta-analysis, see Uttal et al.,
2013) and far transfer from spatial training to math understanding (for a meta-analysis, see Hawes et al.,
2022), future studies may focus on translating spatial thinking into classrooms and curricula (Gagnier & Fisher,
2020; Newcombe,
2010). Second, results of the present study add to our knowledge about intervening processes connecting space and mathematics. Findings can be helpful for intervention studies in order to disentangle the
specific aspects in spatial trainings that are important for mathematical learning and may focus particularly on decomposition skills. Third, our results indicated differences in strategy use between males and females, with girls preferring counting strategies and using fewer higher-level mental strategies. The reasons thereof remain poorly understood with one explanation referring to spatial thinking (Casey & Fell,
2018; Laski et al.,
2013). Whereas our findings represent an additional step in understanding this sex differences in strategy use, future studies may further scrutinize this difference and probe the role of spatial reasoning. For instance, intervention studies may particularly focus on how females’ (and males) strategy preferences change after training spatial skills.
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