The classroom context matters for the prevalence of adolescents’ behaviors, such as bullying (Pouwels & Garandeau,
2021). The current study focused on classroom status hierarchy (i.e., the extent to which popularity is (un)equally distributed in the classroom) for several reasons. First, there is strong empirical evidence of positive links between popularity and bullying in adolescence (Wiertsema et al.,
2023). Bullying is defined by an imbalance of power, suggesting that contextual characteristics related to inequalities in popularity are important to analyze to better understand the emergence and maintenance of bullying behavior among classmates. Second, some studies have shown that a higher degree of status hierarchy in the classroom contributed to higher rates of bullying (e.g., Garandeau et al.,
2014). The current study sought to replicate these findings while addressing limitations of previous studies (i.e., lack of key control variables) as well as introducing a different way to operationalize status hierarchy. Specifically, in addition to using the more traditional operationalization of classroom status hierarchy (the standard deviation of popularity), this study used the Gini coefficient as an indicator of status hierarchy, which is a metric that has been widely used in other disciplines (e.g., sociology, economics) to describe inequalities in the distribution of resources (e.g., Yan & Wen,
2020).
Differences Between Indicators of Status Hierarchy
The two indicators of status hierarchy were only weakly associated with one another (
r = 0.07). The example classrooms shown in Figs.
2 and
3 further demonstrate that the two indicators are indeed different ways of capturing status hierarchy. Specifically, the Gini coefficient tapped into differences in the distribution of status within classrooms that would not have been detected using only the standard deviation and the structure of the status hierarchy.
When using SD-hierarchy, support was found for the
balance-of-power perspective, such that there was more bullying in more hierarchical classrooms, consistent with some previous findings (e.g., Garandeau et al.,
2014). This suggests that, in classrooms where popularity scores are more spread out, students tend to score higher in bullying. This association was still present when controlling for the structure of the status hierarchy. Although we tested for curvilinear associations, it was not significant when using the standard deviation.
The balance-of-power and functionalist perspectives tend to imply linear (but opposing) associations between hierarchy and bullying, when operationalizing status hierarchy as the standard deviation of popularity. However, the curvilinear association when using the Gini-hierarchy suggests additional complexities. As hypothesized, there was a significant, curvilinear (inverted U) association between the Gini-hierarchy and bullying, such that bullying prevalence was highest when there was some degree of status hierarchy (i.e., more students in the “middle”). Bullying was low when there was equality in popularity scores, but bullying was also low in classrooms that were the most unequal based on the Gini coefficient (i.e., in classrooms where one or two students are highly popular and the majority is low in popularity). This finding requires further investigation, as low levels of bullying at high Gini-hierarchy could be explained by both the functionalist and balance-of-power perspectives. On the one hand, consistent with the functionalist approach, most students in such contexts may feel that high status is unachievable and therefore may not even attempt to “bully their way up”. On the other hand, consistent with the balance-of-power perspective, students may experience their social environment as relatively egalitarian due to the high number of classmates sharing their same low status, which in turn decreases the visibility or value of status and deters them from engaging in bullying. Thus, additional research is needed to better elucidate how students perceive contexts with different distributions of popularity.
Average classroom levels of popularity were also controlled for as an exploratory analysis. When controlling for average classroom popularity, the linear association between SD-hierarchy and bullying was no longer significant, whereas it did not change the pattern of results when using Gini-hierarchy. Thus, these findings indicate that the Gini coefficient may be more robust to certain control variables. This is not entirely surprising as the standard deviation of popularity in a classroom is calculated based on the average popularity of the classroom. Indeed, in this study, SD-hierarchy was strongly associated with average classroom popularity (r = 0.70), whereas the association between Gini-hierarchy and average classroom popularity was strong (but not as strong) yet negative (r = −0.59). The strong, positive association between SD-hierarchy and average classroom popularity is not surprising; for example, in classrooms with low levels of popularity, most students will have popularity scores close to zero, whereas classrooms with a higher average popularity will have a larger discrepancy between popular and non-popular classmates. The negative correlation between Gini-hierarchy and average classroom popularity was not predicted, and needs to be replicated given that this is the first study to use the Gini coefficient as an indicator of status hierarchy.
As sensitivity analyses, the models were also conducted while controlling for grade level and gender. Once these variables were controlled for, the association between SD-hierarchy and bullying remained significant, even when controlling for average classroom popularity. Controlling for these variables did not change the association between Gini-hierarchy and bullying. Overall, these findings suggest that the link between SD-hierarchy and bullying may be more affected by key control variables.
In addition to these concurrent associations, prospective associations between status hierarchy and bullying were tested. However, none of the tested associations were significant. The lack of longitudinal findings may be in part due to the high stability of bullying in this sample from T1 to T2 (
β = 0.74). Moreover, whereas the classroom provides an important context that can shape the prevalence of behaviors, the actual extent to which bullying increases over time is likely due to a multitude of other factors (e.g., individual goals; Caravita & Cillessen,
2012).
Grade Level and Gender Differences
Separate from the preregistered analyses, exploratory analyses were conducted to test for possible grade level and gender differences in the association between status hierarchy and bullying. There were no significant grade differences in any of the tested models, suggesting that the association between status hierarchy and bullying is similar in primary and secondary schools. However, there were (minimal) gender differences. Without considering average level of popularity, SD-hierarchy was positively associated for both girls and boys, but this association was stronger for boys. With controlling for average level of popularity, this association was only significant for boys. Together, this indicates that the link between status hierarchy and (concurrent) bullying may be stronger for boys, which is consistent with (some) previous findings (Babarro et al.,
2017). In general, boys had higher levels of bullying, and this seems to be particularly the case in more hierarchical classrooms. Still, there were no significant gender differences in the association between Gini-hierarchy and bullying, and other previous findings have also not found significant gender differences between status hierarchy and bullying (Pan et al.,
2020). Thus, this finding needs further replication and investigation.
Strengths, Limitations, and Future Directions
The current study rigorously tested whether status hierarchy is associated with bullying by addressing key limitations of previous studies, as well as extending beyond past research by considering a new indicator of status hierarchy (the Gini coefficient). Strengths of this study include a large sample, a new operationalization of status hierarchy, and the inclusion of key control variables.
Still, this study also had some limitations. First, as is the case with most studies on bullying, the bullying variable was skewed. Specifically, a large proportion of students were not viewed by their classmates as engaging in bullying behaviors. Still, as shown in Fig.
4, bullying was highest in classrooms with mid-range Gini-hierarchy despite many cases of individuals who did not bully at all.
Second, the assumed underlying mechanism of why status hierarchy would be related to bullying was not directly tested. Specifically, status hierarchy is presumed to foster an environment in which youth are more likely to use bullying to try to compete for status. However, the current study was unable to test whether hierarchical classrooms actually do increase the feelings of social competition with other classmates. Future research should consider whether adolescents are more likely to engage in social comparisons or feel more competitive for status in hierarchical classrooms.
Third, the association between status hierarchy and bullying likely also depends on the extent to which adolescents feel like they are even able to change their position in the status hierarchy (i.e., the stability of the hierarchy). Adolescents may be more likely to bully in hierarchical classrooms that are dynamic (i.e., more instability), as there would be seemingly more opportunities to climb up (or fall down) the social ladder. Future research should investigate the extent to which status hierarchies are stable, and the potential impact the (in)stability has on the link between status hierarchy and bullying. For example, longitudinal social network analysis could be used to examine changes in bullying behavior for adolescents who maintain their position vs. those who change positions.
Lastly, it should be noted that the Gini coefficient is not an all-encompassing statistic, and its benefits may be maximized when used in conjunction with other parameters (e.g., Blesch et al.,
2022) or through the addition of related-but-different operationalizations of inequality (De Maio,
2007). Thus, the point of this study is not to argue that Gini-hierarchy should supplant existing indicators of hierarchy (such as SD-hierarchy, structure of the hierarchy), but instead that it offers an exciting new lens to explain aspects of popularity inequality within classrooms that could not be explained by existing indicators alone. In addition, the Gini-hierarchy offers a new tool to elucidate non-linear association between status hierarchy and adolescents’ social behaviors. Future research could consider how Gini-hierarchy relates to other aspects of the classroom social context, such as bullying norms, friendship centrality or density, antipathies.