Evolutionary psychological theories have been successful in explaining sex differences in a variety of cognitive abilities (for a comprehensive review, see Geary,
2010), including the well documented sex differences in spatial abilities and in verbal abilities (for a review of both these sex differences, see Halpern,
2012). An important feature of evolutionary psychology is the assumption that psychological mechanisms are the result of a cross-generational natural selection process (Buss,
1995). For example, men’s stronger spatial skills can be explained as resulting from the fact that ancestral promiscuous men who ranged further (which required spatial skills) had more opportunities for mating (Gaulin & Fitzgerald,
1986). When new sex differences in cognitive tasks are discovered, the academic community is faced with the challenge of either proposing novel explanations or trying to apply existing models. In this context, the current study focuses on the relatively recently discovered sex differences in selective attention.
Review of research reporting sex differences in selective attention
The first studies showing sex differences in selective attention used the Posner cueing paradigm (Posner & Cohen,
1984; Klein,
2000). This paradigm has been used to study spatial orientation and spotlight models of attention, that is, models that explain which part of visual space is being attended. There are numerous cognitive psychological studies using variations of this paradigm. Such studies rarely investigate individual or group differences. Here, the focus is on the studies that investigated and reported sex differences. In general, in these paradigms participants view a computer monitor and are instructed to press a keyboard button as soon as they detect a target on screen (e.g., a rectangle in one of two empty placeholder frames left and right of a fixation point). A task-irrelevant cue is presented shortly
before the target stimulus (e.g., a centrally positioned arrow pointing at or pointing away from the location of the upcoming target stimulus). The main finding of studies using this type of Posner cueing paradigm is that people cannot completely ignore the cue, even though they are instructed to do so. People typically respond more quickly when the location indicated by the cue matches that of the target; this is known as the “cue-validity effect”. The explanation is that the cue draws attention to a location, and when the target appears at that location soon after, its processing will benefit from the fact that the location is already being attended. In contrast, when the time between the cue and target becomes longer than around half a second, the cue-validity effect reverses, which is known as the “Inhibition Of Return effect” (IOR, Posner & Cohen,
1984; Klein,
2000); the explanation for this latter effect is that once the brain has identified a cue as task irrelevant, an inhibitory mechanism prohibits reorienting to that same task-irrelevant location soon after. Altogether, both the cue-validity and IOR effect reflect efficient information processing strategies when dealing with spatial information. Of relevance for the current study is that sex differences have been reported in both the cue-validity and IOR effects (see below).
Bayliss et al. (
2005) were the first to report that women’s cue-validity effect is larger than that of men. This finding has been replicated by at least two independent groups (Merrit et al.,
2007; Alwall et al.,
2010). Bayliss et al. (
2005) focused on the social nature of the cues they used (not only arrows, but also faces gazing to the left or right), and argued that women might be more biased than men to automatically process social cues. Although these authors did not go into the exact reasons why women are more sensitive to social cues, the literature they cite does (e.g., Baron-Cohen,
2000). The challenge for Bayliss’ explanation is, though, that the same phenomenon has been found with geometric shapes and even words instead of social cues.
Colzato, Pratt, & Hommel, (
2012) studied sex differences in inhibition of return (IOR) while also measuring estrogen levels. They found that women in the late follicular phase of the menstrual cycle (when estrogen levels were higher) showed a
larger IOR effect than men, and larger than women not in the late follicular phase. Colzato, Pratt, & Hommel, (
2012) generally concluded that there are not enough data to explain the possible function of their observed sex differences in the Posner cueing task, yet argued that sex differences in selective visual attention are not structural, but state (i.e., hormonally) dependent.
Sex differences in visual selective attention have also been found in “flanker” paradigms. While Posner cueing paradigms have often been used to address the question which and how different areas of visual space are attended, this paradigm addresses the question which information within a processing channel is being processed (Eriksen & Eriksen,
1974) and has contributed to debate about early versus late selection processes (e.g., Hübner, Steinhauser, & Lehle,
2010). In these paradigms, participants are instructed to attend and respond to centrally presented stimuli while ignoring nearby (“flanking”) stimuli (developed by Eriksen & Eriksen,
1974). In flanker paradigms, the interference between task-relevant and task-irrelevant stimuli can be measured just as in Posner cueing paradigms (although different terms are used for the conditions, such as “compatible” versus “incompatible” rather than “valid” versus “invalid”). One of the main differences between flanker and Posner cueing paradigms is the location of the stimulus that needs to be responded to. In flanker tasks, the target is centrally presented, whereas in Posner cueing tasks peripherally. Nevertheless, it has been argued that Posner and flanker paradigms involve the same set of attentional processes (Chajut & Algom,
2009).
Stoet (
2011) used a flanker task in which participants were instructed to press a key if a green circle appeared at the center position (i.e., go condition) of a 3 × 3 grid and to withhold a key press when a red circle appeared at the center position (i.e., no-go condition). A flanker appeared 200 ms before the onset of the go or no-go stimulus in one of the eight grid positions around the center positions. Because the flanker always appeared
before the go/no-go stimulus, it was very salient. Women required more training trials than men to reach a criterion level of performance, and women responded more slowly to go-stimuli preceded by an incompatible (red) flanker. The main conclusion was that women’s performance is more strongly disrupted by incompatible flankers than men’s. Similarly, Judge and Taylor (
2012) found that women were more distracted by incongruent flanking words in a word-categorization task (categorizing plants versus animals). Clayson, Clawson, and Larson (
2011) found a sex difference in a standard Eriksen flanker task measuring event-related potentials (ERP). In their task, participants had to respond to the middle arrow out of five arrows presented next to one another. They found that men generally performed faster in the task, but they did not find an interaction between sex and flanker interference. Despite the lack of the sex difference in a behavioral effect of flanker interference, they found important differences in the ERP profile between valid and invalid flankers: The negativity of the ERP signal was stronger in men than in women 200 ms after stimulus onset in the case of invalid flankers (N2 signal). This signal is known to be involved in processing conflicting information.
Sänger et al. (
2012) used a change detection paradigm and found that women made more mistakes detecting the location of a change in stimulus luminance when they were distracted by a change in stimulus orientation at a different location.
Finally, in the Navon letter identification task (Navon,
1977,
2003) participants view large letters (global level) composed of smaller letters (local level). When they are asked to detect a letter at the local or global level, participants detect targets at the global level faster than at the local level. Gender differences have been reported in this task, although there is not much consistency. Lee et al. (
2012) found that men performed generally faster in this task, and attributed this to the established gender difference in spatial processing. In contrast, Roalf et al. (
2006) found no difference between responding to global and local level in men, while women responded more quickly when a target appeared at the local level. Again, in contrast, Razumnikova and Volf (
2011) found no difference between detecting letters at the global or local level in women, but found that men responded more quickly to target letters at the global than at the local level. Few of these studies investigated specific interference between the local and global level. Only Kimchi et al. (
2003) reported that women were more influenced by global features when having to make a decision at local level (but no overall differences were found as in some of the other studies). Thus, while it is difficult to draw strong conclusions about a gender differences in global versus local processing, the latter study found a larger interference effect in women than in men.
In all of the reviewed studies so far, at least two different objects were presented, one of which needed to be attended while the other(s) needed to be ignored. Instead of using multiple objects, selective attention can also be studied when participants need to distinguish one out of multiple features of
one object. Here, two different types of such paradigms are shortly reviewed in regard to gender differences: The Stroop (
1935) task and the Simon task (Simon & Wolf,
1963). Because these paradigms require participants to attend different visual features of the same object, they are used to address questions about selection mechanisms rather than orientation mechanisms.
In the Stroop task, participants need to name the ink color of words while ignoring the word meaning. There is one recent large study that reported that women in all age groups ranging from 24 to 81 years old showed
less interference than men in this task (Van der Elst, Van Boxtel, Van Breukelen & Jolles,
2006). It should be noted, however, that sex differences are often not found in the Stroop task (for a review, see MacLeod,
1991, p. 184; see also “
Discussion” section).
Finally, in the Simon task (Simon & Wolf,
1963), participants need to process one stimulus dimension while ignoring another one. This effect was originally viewed as a bias to respond towards the source location of an object, even if that location is uninformative to its response (Simon,
1969). Later, Hommel (
1993) demonstrated that the Simon effect depends on the spatial relation between stimuli and responses and less on an attentional orientation mechanism. Thus, the Simon task has theoretically been linked to a different explanation than only to shifts of spatial attention.
In 2015, Evans and Hampson (
2015) found in a relatively large study (
n = 176) that male participants responded generally faster in the Simon paradigm, and that the interference effect between task-relevant and irrelevant features was larger in women than in men. In contrast, Christakou et al. (
2009), however, did not find sex differences in a study with 63 participants. Therefore, it is difficult to draw strong conclusions. In addition, it cannot be excluded entirely that the effect as reported by Evans and Hampson (
2015) was a side effect of overall speed differences.
In summary, there is now evidence that in a number of tasks in which participants need to attend one object while ignoring another separate object, women are more influenced by the irrelevant stimulus feature. Of interest is the variety of tasks under which this has been found to be the case. The effect has been found when the target has been shown peripherally or centrally, and the effect has been found with arrow cues, face cues, and words. In contrast, in the Stroop task, in which participants need to attend and name one feature of an object (its color) while ignoring another feature (its word meaning), women have been reported to be less affected by the task-irrelevant information than men.