Raising happy, healthy, and well-adjusted children can be challenging for many parents, particularly those who have limited resources and are experiencing social disadvantage such as financial pressures, poor health, or housing instability. To assist parents in the task of raising children, we make the case for adopting a population-based approach to evidence-based parenting support (EBPS) as an essential component in any comprehensive strategy designed to improve the developmental prospects and mental health outcomes of children and to keep children safe. This approach uses the principle of proportionate universalism to blend universal parenting supports for all parents, with indicated parenting interventions for more vulnerable families in the community. Several large scale “place-based” efforts to implement evidence-based parenting programs have been successful in reducing rates of child maltreatment and social-emotional problems in children (Prinz et al., 2009, 2016; Doyle et al., 2018) while others have met with more limited success. To produce sustained population level benefit, parenting programs must simultaneously address a series of interrelated logistical, organizational, professional, policy and evaluation challenges. How these challenges can be met, as well as implications for future work are discussed.
Experiencing adversity during childhood may bring significant deleterious effects on outcomes over the life course across multiple domains of health and wellbeing, including physical and mental health conditions, risky behaviors, developmental disruption and increased healthcare utilization (Kalmakis & Chandler, 2015). The cumulative effect of experiencing multiple adversities during childhood can be particularly detrimental with greater negative impacts on health and wellbeing than observed from experiencing a single adversity (O’Connor et al., 2020). International estimates suggest that between 46% and 64% of children experience at least one form of adversity prior to the age of 18 years (Kalmakis & Chandler, 2015) with more than half of children in Australia experiencing multiple adversities prior to the age of 10–11 years (O’Connor et al., 2020). Child maltreatment is perhaps one of the most pervasive and insidious of the adversities that can affect children. Abuse or neglect during childhood can result in toxic stress that can affect brain development, and result in physical and behavioural changes affecting how children cope and manage stress later in life (Sciaraffa et al., 2018). Chronic exposure to toxic stress is linked long-term to poor health outcomes such as unhealthy lifestyles, mental illness and physical disease (Franke, 2014). Under-reporting, insufficient detection of abuse and neglect, and inadequate scaling-up of tertiary services pose substantial obstacles to effective mitigation and prevention of child maltreatment (Slep & Heyman, 2008).
Disparities in social determinants of health (SDOH) add to the adversity experienced by children, further contributing to risk for poor outcomes. Children raised in conditions characterized by inequalities across SDOH have experiences such as overcrowded housing, discrimination, violent neighbourhoods, intergenerational unemployment, crime, substance use, poorly functioning schools, and a lack of social connectedness among residents. These SDOH follow a social gradient in which, as socioeconomic position decreases, health declines (Kelley, 2020). Children who experience greater disparities in SDOH are at increased risk for negative physical, social, educational, economic, and psychological outcomes during childhood and into adulthood (Yoshikawa et al., 2012). The social and community context is particularly important for children with early childhood experiences of poverty, maltreatment, parental substance misuse or poor mental health, homelessness and family violence, and especially so, during the first eight years of life (Moore et al., 2015).
Of the potentially modifiable environmental influences on children, parenting in particular has a pervasive impact on every aspect of child development, with effective parenting contributing substantially to child well-being (Biglan et al., 2012). According to Sanders (2008) positive parenting involves (1) ensuring children have a safe, nurturing and interesting environment, (2) a positive learning environment, (3) consistent boundaries and limits, (4) reasonable expectations of children and (5) taking care of oneself as a parent. Effective and ineffective parenting practices alike transfer across generations (Conger et al., 2003; Madden et al., 2015). Children who experience adversity and disparity in SDOH are particularly vulnerable to the effects of ineffective parenting practices and poor relationships with their parents, and further to the intergenerational transmission of ineffective parenting practices (Farrington et al., 2009). Globally, harsh parenting practices are common and encompass coercive parenting practices including frequent use of corporal punishment to escalated physical abuse (e.g., Stutz & Schwarz, 2014). In the US 49% of parents of children aged 0–9 years report using corporal punishment over the past year (Finkelhor et al., 2019). Approximately one quarter of Canadian parent’s report use of corporal punishment (Perron et al., 2014). In Australia, O’Connor and colleagues (2020) estimated that 25% of children experience harsh parenting by the age of 10–11 years. According to UNICEF (2022, May) in most countries globally more than 2 in 3 children (age 1–14 years) experience violent discipline by caregivers indicating both the scale and importance of parenting as a focus for intervention.
The present article extends prior work on the implementation and scale up of evidence-based parenting support by identifying logistical and implementation challenges and possible solutions associated with scaling up and sustained deployment of a multi-level, integrated system of parenting support. We particularly focus on issues relevant to socially disadvantaged communities and aim to identify the challenges, opportunities and future directions for research, policy and practice to enhance the impact of parenting support. The following research methods were undertaken in preparing this article. The Triple P evidence base which includes over 800 scientific articles were searched to identify articles and book chapters related to the key topics covered in the article. These included population trials, dissemination studies, cultural differences, socially disadvantage. The authorial group also used their extensive clinical, research and training experience in working with socially disadvantaged communities to identify critical implementation issues. We also consulted with Triple P trainers and implementation consultants working in different contexts to identify implementation challenges in real world applications of the Triple P system.
A Population-Based Approach to Evidence-based Parenting Support
Evidence-based parenting support (EBPS) has proven to be among the most effective approaches to addressing a broad range of challenges faced by families (Doyle et al., 2022). Decades of research have demonstrated that EBPS interventions result in reductions in difficult child behaviors and increased adaptive child behaviours, parent competence and wellbeing (e.g., Dretzke et al., 2009; Eyberg et al., 2008; Sanders et al., 2014; van Aar et al., 2017), and contribute to the prevention of antisocial behaviour and delinquency (Piquero et al., 2016). Positive parenting may also buffer against childhood adverse experiences such as poverty, family breakdown, parental mental health and substance use difficulties, and child maltreatment (Brown & Shillington, 2017).
The majority of EBPS interventions have been evaluated at the individual child and family level, mostly focusing on children exhibiting clinical levels of conduct problems (Sanders & Prinz, 2018). Research has been undertaken to conceptually (Sanders, 2010; Sanders et al., 2017; Sanders & Kirby, 2014) and experimentally (Prinz et al., 2009, 2016) examine the role of EBPS interventions implemented at a whole-of-population-level. The overarching aim of a population-based approach to EBPS is to reduce the prevalence rates of serious social, emotional, and behavioral problems in children, the level of child maltreatment in the community, and the intergenerational factors that influence the life course outcomes for parents and families (Prinz, 2019). Key principles of a population-based approach for EBPS have been adapted from the population health tenets described by Rose (2008), and outlined by Sanders and Prinz (2018). In summary, the aims of this approach are: (1) To increase the number of parents who have the necessary knowledge, skills, and confidence to parent their children and adolescents well, by increasing the number of parents who complete an evidence-based, culturally appropriate parenting program. (2) To increase the number of children and adolescents who are thriving socially, emotionally, and academically. (3) To decrease the number of children and adolescents who develop serious social, emotional, and behavioral problems. (4) To decrease the number of children and adolescents who are maltreated or at risk of being maltreated by their parents. (5) To increase quality of life and health outcomes for parents.
A number of implementation science theoretical frameworks have been developed that inform our approach (e.g., Bertram et al., 2015; Moullin et al., 2019; Powell et al., 2015). Moullin et al. (2020) argued that theoretical frameworks should be used explicitly in planning, carrying out and evaluating large scale implementation efforts. The Triple P Implementation Framework (McWilliam et al., 2016) is one such framework that was developed to inform the implement of EBPS at a whole-of-community scale. This framework highlighted the crucial importance of addressing modifiable organizational factors such as ensuring adequate funding, leadership in advocating for evidence-based programs, provision of competency-based training and accreditation of practitioners, provision of high quality supervision, establishing implementation foci based on contracting with practitioners and agencies, and the importance of ongoing program evaluation (McWilliam et al., 2016). Sanders and Mazzucchelli (2022) extended this model to incorporate a broader ecological or systems-contextual perspective that incorporated additional modifiable program variables relevant to understanding the putative mechanisms driving change in population approaches. These variables included specific strategies to increase parental engagement and motivation, program delivery strategies that increase the reach of interventions (e.g., cost, intensity, flexible delivery), strategies to ensure cultural acceptability and relevance, and intervention components that support positive parental cognitions and emotional well-being. This paper builds upon and extends the Triple P implementation model described by McWilliam et al. (2016) and Sanders and Mazzucchelli (2022) to consider a wide range of logistical and implementation issues and challenges relevant to working in socially disadvantaged communities.
Community-wide implementations of parenting support programs, such as the UK’s Parenting Early Intervention Program (Lindsay & Cullen, 2011) and CAN parent (Cullen et al., 2017); the US’s population-level trial of the Triple P – Positive Parenting Program (Triple P; Prinz et al., 2009, 2016); and Ireland’s population-level evaluation of Triple P in Longford Westmeath (Fives et al., 2014), provides valuable foundational evidence for a population-based approach to EBPS. For example, the US Triple P System Population trial, funded by the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, evaluated the impact of an evidence-based parenting intervention, the Triple P System, on the population prevalence of child maltreatment (Prinz, 2016). Using a place-randomized design, 18 counties in South Carolina received either the Triple P System or services-as-usual (Prinz, 2016). Results demonstrated that counties receiving Triple P had lower rates of substantiated child maltreatment cases, and lower rates of out-of-home placements and hospital-treated child injuries following intervention completion (Prinz, 2016; Prinz et al., 2009, 2016). Through the broad dissemination of an evidence-based parenting program and the systematic evaluation of standardized administrative data, this US Triple P trial demonstrated that population-level access to parenting programs not only benefits individual families, but also can address broader public health concerns (Burke et al., 2018).
Planning an Effective Population-Based Strategy for Positive Parenting
The existence of a socioeconomic gradient in children’s developmental outcomes is well established (Marmot and Bell, 2012). Population-based parenting programs provide a potential mechanism for flattening the social gradient in public health related to child health, development, and educational outcomes. Population-based parenting programs may also help to mitigate the negative impacts of poverty on young children and families. Successful operationalization and deployment of population-based intervention strategy requires an array of logistical, organizational and professional obstacles to be addressed, that cover the design and implementation of the intervention, and the planning and deployment of a formal evaluation (McWilliam et al., 2016).
Logistical challenges in Making a Whole-of-Population Approach to Parenting Support Work
Mounting a large-scale intervention is a complex scientific, professional and organizational undertaking which must account for multiple interacting systems and processes, to ensure that the intervention is able to reach a sizable portion of the population of eligible parents and carers (Sanders et al., 2017). This section summarises and expands on existing knowledge regarding these logistical challenges in making a whole-of-population approach to parenting support work.
Defining and Reaching the Population of Focus
A population approach needs to ensure sufficient reach, which we defined as ‘enough participating parents to reduce the prevalence rates of parenting difficulties and child problems being addressed, while increasing parental confidence and efficacy in the overall population’. Having a system that engages large numbers of eligible parents is key to prevalence reduction (Sanders et al., 2017). Strategies that destigmatize parental participation in a parenting and family program help to eliminate barriers to broad community reach (Higgins et al., 2019). Therefore, the development of a population-based implementation plan needs to commence with an understanding of who lives within the participating communities (Wight et al., 2016), and should attend to the proportion of participants in relation to the total eligible population and to the representativeness of the sample (Glasgow et al., 1999). To determine the overall proportion and representativeness required to achieve adequate reach in a study of children and families, the size of the overall community population is not sufficient. To ensure that the effort is reaching the eligible or focus population, information about the number of families and children residing in those communities is needed. In addition, the distributions of socio-economic (e.g., poverty, workforce participation, types of work, housing, social mobility), demographic (e.g., proportion of sole parents, teenage parents, cultural diversity, age of children) and neighbourhood factors (e.g., availability of support, social cohesion, collective efficacy) present in a community, provide information on who needs to be supported to ensure that families likely to benefit participate in the program and its evaluation. This information also provides insights into factors that are likely to influence the deployment of resources available to support parents, and parents’ attitudes towards help-seeking and engaging with their community (Wight et al., 2016).
Blending Universal and Indicated Approaches
Achieving sufficient reach requires a blended prevention model, in which universal and indicated interventions are blended to meet differing levels of need for support (Prinz, 2015). In this model, the universal aspects of the program are intended to be less intensive and so designed to appeal to a broader parental audience. Indicated programming incorporates more intensive intervention (Sanders & Prinz, 2018) and is designed to serve the specialized needs of narrower segments of the parent and child population, such as parents of children with a disability, and parents living with challenges such as poverty, mental health conditions and substance use problems (Sanders & Prinz, 2018).
Reducing Social Disparities Through Proportionate Universalism
Parenting difficulties and child social, emotional, and behavioral problems exist across all sociodemographic groups (Bornstein, 2013; Collishaw, 2015; Holland et al., 2017). Rather than adopting a blanket approach to resource allocation, however, it is important to allocate resources according to need (Sanders & Mazzucchelli, 2017). This principle of proportionate universalism (Marmot and Bell, 2012) ensures that those in greatest need consume more of the resources and those with lesser needs consume fewer resources. When this principle is applied in a population roll-out, special efforts are made to engage the most vulnerable parents (Hope et al., 2017). The implementation plan includes programs that are accessible to the entire community, along with tailored programs that address the concerns of specific groups of children and families (e.g., Indigenous, and culturally and linguistically diverse families); or specific issues families are facing (e.g., separation or divorce; risk of maltreatment; high family conflict; families with parents with mental health or substance abuse problems). Additionally, outreach and engagement strategies can be incorporated that specifically support vulnerable and hard-to-reach families, to ensure that all families have the opportunity to participate (Love et al., 2013).
Selecting the Interventions within a System
Understanding who to reach is a key aspect of intervention selection but is insufficient on its own. Different communities may comprise people with differing levels of need for support (Marmot and Bell, 2012). In theory a population approach may employ an entire suite of evidence-based interventions including universal and indicated programs. In poorly resourced communities it is likely that only a few of the available interventions can be offered and accessed in the population of focus. Some families require significant and ongoing input from formal family support services, while others may benefit from a brief single session program (Prinz, 2019). Therefore, it is critical to ensure that the most suitable mix or combinations of universal and indicated interventions are available, accessible, and deliverable.
To accommodate the varying needs of families within the Triple P system, a range of group and individual programs (6–12 sessions) has been developed to address high risk and vulnerable families to complement universal programs. As demonstrated in Fig. 1, these include Enhanced Triple P for parents with relationships difficulties or mental health problems, Stepping Stones Triple P for parents of children with developmental disabilities, Fear-Less Triple P for parents of anxious children, Pathways Triple P for parents at risk of child maltreatment, Family Transitions Triple P for parents who have separated or divorced, Lifestyle Triple P for parents of overweight or obese children, Grandparent Triple P for custodial grandparents, Indigenous Triple P for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Island families and Family Life Skills Triple P for parents with high levels of adverse childhood experiences in their families of origin. In addition, several mainstream Triple P programs such as Group Triple P have been used successfully with vulnerable families involving parents in homeless shelters, parents in prisons, and refugee parents. In socially disadvantaged communities there are likely to be more families with special or additional needs who might benefit from tailored programs.
The design of the Triple P system assumes that parents can have a long-term association (beginning at birth of a first child) with the program across successive phases of development. At each phase a parent might access one or more levels of intervention of varying intensity depending on the type and severity of the child’s problem, associated family concerns, their own availability, preferences (online vs. in person), and the local accessibility of a particular variant. Parents can enter the system of support at any stage of their child’s development and are encouraged to access the level of support they need (from “light touch” or low intensity support to more intensive programs). Having online variants of programs greatly increases access for parents living in rural communities providing they can access a stable internet connection.
Assessing the Available Evidence
A population approach is more likely to work if all key components and programs have demonstrated efficacy and effectiveness (Frieden, 2014). Therefore, determining which intervention will be deployed requires careful evaluation of available interventions, assessment of the extent to which they have been adopted, the relevance of the objectives of the intervention, and the strength of available evidence (Cuijpers et al., 2005). Consideration of the evidence should take into account the profile of responders and non-responders, and make sure this aligns with the proposed population of focus (Cuijpers et al., 2005). Where there are discrepancies between the existing evidence and the population, consideration should be given to whether and how an intervention can be adapted for local needs while maintaining fidelity of implementation (Mazzucchelli & Sanders, 2010). This includes evidence of the interventions ability to be taken to a community-wide scale and used in practice, the cost-effectiveness of the intervention, the generalizability of trial results, the effectiveness of training and supervision strategies, and whether or how deployment and outcomes can be tracked and evaluated over time (Sher & Halford, 2008; Cuijpers et al., 2005). Beyond imparting specific parenting skills shown to influence developmental outcomes of children, and delivering programs shown to positively influence parenting skills, the approach needs effective professional training courses and supervision strategies so that a well-trained, adequately resourced and supported workforce can be deployed with adequate capacity (Dizon et al., 2012).
Modes of Delivery
Just as there is no “one right way to parent,” there is also no “one size fits all” for parents interested in a parenting program. To reach enough of the community to achieve population-level change, the program/s must consider parent preferences for modes of delivery (Metzler et al., 2012). A key concept here is the “principle of minimal sufficiency,” whereby parents receive the minimum level of support required to enable them to parent their children confidently, competently and independently (Sanders & Prinz, 2018). Traditionally, individual or small group formats have been used to deliver evidence-based parenting programs, with many delivered within a clinical context, requiring multiple sessions over many weeks (e.g., 8–12 weeks). More recently, there has been an increased focus on delivery via online modes, such as telehealth approaches using video conferencing technology, or via self-directed or practitioner-assisted online programs (Baker et al., 2017; Day et al., 2021). EBPS can be delivered in a variety of other modes and contexts that enable parents to receive the level of support required to achieve minimal sufficiency. Formats such as brief seminars, discussion groups and workshops can be deployed for small to large groups of parents who are seeking ideas and strategies to deal with every day or mild to moderate difficulties, while more resource and time intensive interventions are available for those who have more complex concerns or prefer to access support in this way (Prinz, 2019). A final consideration here is the location for delivery. Traditionally, interventions have been delivered within specialist and clinical locations such as hospitals, community health or family support services, however, a population-based approach requires that programs can be accessed more broadly across the community (Higgins et al., 2019). Venues such as workplaces, shopping centres, movie theatres, religious organizations, libraries, outdoor locations under trees or shelters, hobby groups, community centres, and sporting facilities offer alternatives that have the potential to reduce stigma associated with help seeking (Higgins et al., 2019). For vulnerable populations, these settings might be more accessible, familiar and inclusive than traditional clinical settings (Higgins et al., 2019).
Inclusivity
Parenting refers to the multi-faceted task of raising children. We live in communities in which many people contribute to the care of children: mothers, fathers, grandparents, extended family, foster carers, and other community members (National Academies of Sciences, 2016). Parenting is undertaken by people from all backgrounds, irrespective of culture or country, or individual and family characteristics such as income, education level or family structure (National Academies of Sciences, 2016). A population-based approach must therefore ensure that parenting support is available to all carers irrespective of culture, language, gender, or socio-economic characteristics. Engagement and delivery strategies must take these factors into account in order to achieve sufficient reach (National Public Health Partnership, 2000). For example, promotional activities need to be designed to represent different genders, cultures, older and younger parents, and grandparents. Practitioners delivering programs need to be aware of explicit and implicit cultural influences and biases, and the culturally-based constraints and opportunities that arise for families (Domenech Rodríguez & Bernal, 2012). These cultural influences can affect the types of goals parents work on, whether certain child behaviours are considered a problem or not, and the acceptability of specific parenting techniques (Masiran et al., 2020).
To ensure that culturally based differences in parenting can be accommodated within the model parenting programs should avoid placing or imposing the majority cultural views or expectations on the minority culture. One useful way to achieve this is to adopt a self-regulation framework in delivering parenting advice (see Sanders et al., 2019). This approach encourages parents to focus on their own culturally informed goals and aspirations for their children and themselves based on their values and priorities. Examples of successful cultural adaptations of Triple using Collaborative Participation Adaptation Model (CPAM) with Indigenous parents include studies by Keown et al. (2016) with the indigenous Māori parents in New Zealand and McIlduff et al. (2022) with Aboriginal parents in rural and remote Australia. Universal elements such as media messages, parenting seminars and discussion groups should focus on widely accepted principles of positive parenting that resonate and have been shown to be effective with parents from diverse cultural groups.
Addressing Multiple Sources of Family Adversity
When families experience multiple adversities (some historical and other current) the stress of parenthood can be overwhelming. It is tempting to conclude that parenting programs have little to contribute to resolving systemic problems such as serious financial difficulties, chronic unemployment, housing or food insecurity or institutional racism. Parenting programs can provide an important context to empower parents and increase their personal agency in actively coping with adversity. In so doing parents can minimise or reduce any negative emotional and social impacts of adversity on their parenting, as well as personal functioning and family relationships.
A potential barrier to parenting program suitability for parents facing multiple adversities is differences in self-regulatory capacity. Parents under extreme stress, or with histories of mental health, substance abuse, or family violence problems can have considerable difficulties regulating their emotions and behaviours. The adoption of a self-regulation approach in the delivery of parenting programs (see Sanders et al., 2019) allows for individual differences in the entry skills and capabilities of parents to be considered while simultaneously moving parents to greater levels of self-determination and personal agency through active skills training, support and success experiences.
“Light touch” or low intensity parenting programs (e.g., parenting seminars) are likely to be insufficient to address the more complex problems associated with parental mental health and substance abuse issues, or abusive parenting practices. These parents are likely to need programs that blend positive parenting skills, with training that focuses on additional adult life skills. These skills may include learning to cope with their own emotions (e.g. anxiety, anger, sadness), improving adult relationships with partners, and extended family carers, and addressing past trauma arising from abuse, neglect or family violence.
For parents already utilising external support services, parenting programs may be beneficial as complementary interventions to further reduce stress and adverse effects on their children, (e.g. Wolfenden et al., 2022). To facilitate the recommendation of these programs, adult and child services should plan and work collaboratively. Barriers to co-planning program delivery include siloed funding models, turf wars, competition between service providers for scarce resources, and not having a common theoretical framework. Inadequate interdisciplinary collaboration can result in insufficient program delivery and poor program reach. To ensure effective blending of EBPS programs with additional services, organizational obstacles must be addressed.
Understanding the Community Context
Understanding the wider community context in which the intervention will be deployed is just as critical as having clarity about the recipients and issues being addressed by an intervention. The context refers here to the issues facing the potential participants and their families, and to the broader social-ecological context. The community context influences the prevalence of problems or issues within the community via rules, laws and shared values that promote or inhibit the behavior of members. Context can also act as a barrier or facilitator for program promotion and participation (Sanders et al., 2017). Advisedly, early and sustained analysis is required of factors that have potential to directly and indirectly influence the outcomes being addressed by the intervention, or that may impact the access pathways for parents. This may include local, state and federal policies, laws and strategic priorities, as well as elements of the service context, and socio-economic and geographic factors. For example, the introduction of a National Disability Insurance Scheme part way through a state-wide implementation of the Stepping Stones Triple P system in Queensland, Victoria and New South Wales had a marked adverse effect on agencies being able to offer group-based parenting programs (Einfeld et al., 2018). Learnings from such analysis may influence the choice of practitioners and agencies, promotional strategies, program delivery modes and locations for delivery.
Assessing the service delivery context will assist with the identification of existing networks and alliances that are designed to enhance agency and practitioner collaboration, and are useful for reaching the parent population (McWilliam et al., 2016). Workforce planning benefits from understanding the service context and how it varies across the communities in which the program will be implemented (McWilliam et al., 2016). Relevant to this endeavour are agencies that have interest, capacity, and practitioners who could deliver an EBPS, and agencies or individuals capable of supporting engagement of specific segments of the community. It is also useful to assess the services context where agencies and individuals might undermine implementation efforts due to views and allegiances or perhaps funding arrangements in competition or contrast with the selected intervention approach (Ginter et al., 2005). Knowing about potential opposition and blockages to achieving adequate reach allows design of a strategy that respectfully engages these individuals and agencies.
Mobilising and Maintaining the Workforce
Ensuring the availability of a well-trained and sustainable workforce is critical to achieving program adoption and population reach (McWilliam et al., 2016). The workforce may come from existing agencies within the intervention area, or from teams established for the purpose of the initiative, or a combination of the two. Establishing a workforce requires consideration of what skills and organizational structures already exist within a community. Is it possible to tap into an existing workforce? Are there already people trained and delivering the intervention, or willing to be trained to deliver? Are there existing organizational structures that would support implementation to all or part of the community? If there is a partial or potential workforce within the community, what training and support do they need? Where there is a potential workforce within the community, it is necessary to assess whether this will be sufficient to reach all relevant parents and carers in the community. It is also important to assess the support systems that will be required to sustain a sufficient workforce over time.
From a program management perspective, training fewer staff who deliver many programs and become very experienced in program delivery can improve staff retention and achieve greater population reach than training many practitioners who each deliver to relatively few parents.
Engaging Parents and the CommunityEnga
To achieve population-level change, EBPS programs need broad appeal for a variety of parents, taking into account their varying needs and preferences (Sanders & Prinz, 2018). Engagement and retention is a particular challenge, with some programs reporting rates of 25% attrition just prior to starting a program, and an additional 26% attrition from parents who begin participating and then drop out before completion (Chacko et al., 2016).
A population approach will not succeed if too few parents participate in the intervention (Glasgow et al., 1999). There are two related challenges around this. First is the challenge of attracting, recruiting and motivating parents to sign up (Chacko et al., 2016). To successfully engage parents, they need to be aware that the program is available in their community, and that participation offers them something they find attractive or useful for their children, themselves and their families. Second, once parents are engaged, they need to be retained to complete enough of the program to learn how to apply the skills with their children on a regular basis (Chacko et al., 2016). It is not known what proportion of the eligible population of parents needs to have participated to achieve a “tipping point” where it becomes socially normative to participate and complete a parenting program. Surveys of the parenting population in Australia show only a minority of parents actually participate in an evidence-based parenting program (i.e., less than 10%; Tully et al., 1999). In an effort to improve population reach, considerable research has been conducted on parent preferences regarding how they wish to access parenting programs (Metzler et al., 2012). Increasingly, parents (including those who are socially disadvantaged) show a preference for easy-to-access online programs (Love et al., 2013). Even though there is increasing evidence that online programs produce comparable effects to in-person delivery of the same program (e.g., Bert et al., 2008; Prinz et al., 2022), they can have similar or even greater attrition problems to their in-person counterparts.
Engagement therefore requires planning, decision-making and adaptation prior to and through-out implementation (Hackworth et al., 2018). Engagement strategies that address logistical and other barriers to parental participation and that destigmatize program involvement can help to eliminate impediments to broad community reach (Hackworth et al., 2018; Higgins et al., 2019). Normalizing such participation through use of peer and professional testimonials, and delivery through universal access points (e.g., transition to school programs, early childhood education centres, workplaces) can help reduce stigma associated with seeking parenting support. Though small in number, some empirical studies that assess the efficacy of specific engagement strategies have uncovered health promotion- and prevention-focused strategies that have the potential to increase community reach (Salari & Backman, 2016). Further, it is likely that engagement strategies differentially impact various stages of the engagement process, and that each stage might need multiple tailored strategies (Gonzalez et al., 2018).
The engagement strategies used in a population-based approach should aim to enlist the workers who have existing mandates to provide support to families and engage parents directly. There are three key agents through which engagement activities may be focused:
1) Parent consumers. When parents are convinced of the value of the parenting program, they become powerful advocates for other parents to become involved (Prinz, 2019). Engagement strategies focusing on parents directly must outline the benefits of program participation for themselves, and their children (Ingoldsby, 2010; Spoth & Redmond, 2000). A blending of messages that promote positive outcomes for their children, and messages indicating the reduction in problems, are likely to be required to engage parents across the whole community (Salari & Backman, 2016).
2) Schools and early childhood education providers. Education providers have regular contact and trusted relationships with a large proportion of the parents in their community. They have long been involved in initiatives to assist parents to raise happy, healthy children, and are a key support for families who experience social, emotional and behavioral issues with their children (Giallo et al., 2008). Engaging schools in a population-based implementation of EBPS can take many forms, from promoting the program to their school community via newsletters and social media, to hosting programs and having their own personnel trained to deliver programs directly (Boyle et al, 2026).
3) Community agencies who work with parents and children. Family support organizations and community health and hospital services provide services to segments of the community experiencing the most difficulty. Engaging with these agencies to explore the role of EBPS for parents accessing their services, and to identify pathways for efficient access to these interventions, is critical to a successful population-based implementation (McWilliam et al., 2016). The approach relies on successful engagement and collaboration with the local agencies and service providers within a community. Even when there is great local need, the support of local agencies might not occur. Although much can be done to successfully engage organizational leaders, disagreements might still arise that undermine efforts to introduce a new program. These differences between program implementers and local organizations can arise due to differences in theoretical or intervention models, biases relating to preferred interventions, differences in priorities, and misunderstandings about the new intervention and its perceived relevance to the local population. It is not necessary for all local organizations to support an EBPS; however, enough organizations must be willing to participate to ensure that the intervention is accessible and is delivered in the local community (Glasgow et al., 1999).
Ensuring Parents Receive the Level of Support They Need
Differences in the level of support families need can be better accommodated within a multi-level population system of parenting support. Having access to a range of program options of differing levels of intensity, means parents’ preferences and capacity to engage in an intervention are considered. Having clear referral pathways, and access to a multidisciplinary workforce trained to deliver more intensive program variants (e.g., Pathways Triple P), means that the severity and type of child behavioral and emotional problems combined with professional guidance can assist parents to access the most appropriate levels of support. The decision is multifaceted and cannot be based on arbitrary clinical cut offs or population screening. Parents themselves need to play a major role in deciding which programs they are interested in.
Allowing Sufficient Time to Embed Programs into Routine Service Delivery
In our experience, many large-scale roll outs of parenting interventions take longer than anticipated (e.g., three to four years) to ensure that programs become properly embedded within the service mix provided by agencies in a community. A four-year period appears to be a reasonable timeframe to ensure a population-level intervention is being successfully deployed. This means that enough practitioners have been trained in various levels and variants of the program to build, and then meet, ongoing demand. The promotion of programs to parents without the capacity to meet the demand created should be avoided.
Planning for Change
Developing an implementation plan that has enough flexibility to respond to changes in the social or political context (e.g., government restructures, major policy initiatives, changes in priorities), major events (e.g., bushfires, pandemics, earthquakes), and learnings regarding consumer experiences and preferences, is critical to the success of a large-scale community implementation. It is also highly likely over the course of a four-year period, that changes and adjustments will need to be made to the original implementation plan based on the evidence collected about reach and outcomes. Therefore, ongoing tracking of program delivery needs to assess factors such as the programs that parents from each local area are choosing to attend, how far parents are willing to travel, and where the most and least popular venues are (Shapiro et al., 2015). It is essential that implementation plans can be modified in response to changes in the implementation team and practitioner workforce, with sufficient flexibility to seek out, and take advantage of, new opportunities and strategies for engaging parents as needed (Hodge & Turner, 2016).
Evaluation
Evaluation of outcomes achieved by population-based initiatives is critical to determining the value that social interventions have in addressing SDOH, and promoting the health and well-being of populations of interest (Kelley, 2020). Well-planned, systematic and effective evaluations not only provide information on whether and why an intervention works, but also inform resource allocation and future efforts to address some of the implementation challenges noted above (Kelley, 2020). Evaluation plans should lay out the program logic, evaluation design (e.g., controlled versus observational), prescribed procedures and protocols, measurement approach, and planned analyses. When planning population-based implementation of EBPS, there are a number of specific factors to be considered in careful planning: (1) developing a program logic; (2) Determining who receives what; (3) selecting an appropriate and feasible evaluation design and methodology; (4) definition and capture of reach; and (5) capturing and assessing outcomes.
Defining the Underlying Theory of Change and Program Logic
A theory of change lays out a causal framework for how change occurs and the mechanisms responsible for producing change (Rogers, 2008). A program logic provides a summary of some or all of the theory in a programmatic context via program components – inputs, activities, outputs, intermediate outcomes, and long term outcomes (Rogers, 2008). As a causal model, the program logic enables examination of the links between these components (Rogers, 2008). Prior to commencement, development of program logic should be accomplished in parallel with implementation planning, and can be used to identify the underlying assumptions and external or environmental factors that could impact the delivery and success of the intervention (Rogers, 2008). Sanders and Prinz (2018) provided an example of a program logic (see Fig. 2) for how a population-based approach to delivering an EBPS, specifically the Triple P system of interventions (Sanders, 2012), would apply within a child maltreatment context. This approach outlines the aims for sustained improvements in child outcomes, and links Triple P programmatic content, approach, and activities to short- and long-term changes in child, parent and family, wider community, and policy level outcomes. For example, the overarching goal of improving child wellbeing involves activities that assist parents/carers and communities provide interesting, age-appropriate and engaging activities in an environment that is safe, caring, healthy and nonviolent. Child maltreatment prevention efforts using evidence-based parenting support within a public health model works best when all relevant local stakeholders including government and non-government agencies and service providers supporting families share a common vision and a language for supporting all children and families. This type of partnering is likely to increase the reach of parenting programs and reduce the number of vulnerable families who cannot access parenting support appropriate to their level of need. In conjunction with the model for determining the appropriate Triple P program for delivery within a given context (Fig. 1), this program logic provides measurable outcomes for evaluation activities. Evaluation activities and outputs should be sensitive to contextual matters such as the cultural and demographic characteristics of the populations involved in the intervention and evaluation activities to ensure the evaluation does not further stigmatise already disadvantaged groups. Consideration should also be given to the outcomes that are of relevance to various stakeholders (e.g., parents, practitioners, policymakers) to ensure the evaluation meets the needs of stakeholders and has maximal impact.
Selecting an Appropriate and Feasible Evaluation Design
Developing an evaluation plan for a population approach to EBPS is a complex and nuanced undertaking. The gold standard approach to evaluation of interventions, where the objective is to understand if the intervention causally affects the outcome as expected, emphasizes a randomised controlled trial (RCT) experimental design (Hariton & Locascio, 2018). In an RCT, participants or clusters of participants are randomly allocated to an intervention (also called an experimental condition) or control (also called a comparison condition) (Hariton & Locascio, 2018). Population-based approaches do not lend themselves easily to this type of design. It is widely acknowledged that effects estimated in tightly controlled efficacy RCTs can differ significantly from results obtained when the same intervention is deployed at scale in the general population (Arnold et al., 2010). Ethical, political, and service-sector considerations may make it impossible to withhold an effective intervention from segments of the population, meaning that true randomisation is far more difficult to achieve (Miller et al., 2020). Further, randomization processes require that participants allocated to a “control” community do not have access to the intervention (Miller et al., 2020). This can be difficult (if not impossible) to manage where there is likely to be movement of residents across the boundaries of intervention areas. If there is not a sufficient geographic “buffer” between all included communities, randomization will therefore not be possible. With the increasing use of online program variants, “leakage” across arms of a trial becomes the norm not the exception. Moving to a whole-of-population context requires an evaluation strategy that tests whether interventions work in real-world settings and conditions with usual providers and clients.
Population-based evaluation often necessitates the use of quasi-experimental designs, to approximate the randomization process by creating a set of intervention and comparison communities that are matched on a set of population and environmental characteristics (Miller et al., 2020). One such design that allows for causal inference is the matched cohort design, in which baseline data at the community-level is used to match intervention communities with potential comparison communities (Arnold et al., 2010; Stuart, 2010). These approaches involve an evaluation design in which a study population is defined prior to implementation, with a subset of that population selected to receive the intervention without randomisation processes (Arnold et al., 2010). In these designs, methods of matching community pairs that will receive and not receive the intervention, such as Propensity Score Matching (Austin, 2011), are used to overcome the inability to generate randomly-allocated intervention and comparison communities (Arnold et al., 2010). These methods allow the control of baseline community characteristics when assessing the effect of the intervention (Stuart, 2010).
A further aspect of the evaluation design to be considered is the unit of analysis. Whether outcomes will be analysed based at the individual- (e.g., parent, child, family) or the community-level, as in cluster or place-based designs, needs to be determined prior to commencement (Cleary et al., 2012). This is key, as it influences the type and level of data that will be required, the access permissions or consents that need to be obtained, and the analytic approach for evaluating the objectives of the implementation.
Capturing Reach and Uptake
Determining the number, proportion, and representativeness of parents who participate in various levels of the intervention can be a difficult process.
Accurate Capture of Parent Participation in Interventions
To accurately determine the level of reach for an intervention, it is necessary to clearly define who and what constitutes a ‘participant’, and provide a clear rationale for this choice (Ferm et al., 2018). Interventions with a single variant may define ‘participation’ as enrolment (irrespective of attendance), attendance at a single session or a minimum number of sessions, or completion of all sessions. In more complex systems of intervention, it is also necessary to consider what constitutes ‘reach’ (Ferm et al., 2018). For example, Triple P offers parents the option of participating in programs in multiple formats and across multiple levels of intensity (Sanders et al., 2017). This is a strength of the program but represents a special challenge for defining reach because parents can choose to participate in multiple levels and formats of the program, which are potentially delivered by different organizations (e.g., schools, health services, community organizations). Careful consideration needs to be given to the structures within the community that enable capture of parent participation data including: Will it be possible to track parents across multiple times and locations of program participation? Is participation defined as the individual who participated, or the number of discrete instances of service within a community? The answers to these questions alter the definition and goals for reach. Most population-based strategies will involve multiple agencies with unique systems and reporting requirements that mean that person-level data cannot be linked for many reasons, including missing information, legal requirements for privacy and confidentiality, and budgetary constraints. In these circumstances, ‘instance of service’ may be the only option available, and reach goals need to be defined to accommodate this.
Having multiple agencies across the health, education, social care and justice systems and different professionals involved in the delivery of Triple P is a major strength of the approach, it also creates challenges in accurate tracking of true participation rates of parents unless formal data sharing agreements are in place. Periodic representative epidemiological surveys that ask parents directly to report on their participation in parenting programs is an alternative source of reach information (Wade et al., 2018).
Capturing Extended Reach Effects
Another aspect of reach in population-based studies is the effect on people in the community who were not directly exposed to the intervention itself. This may be awareness generated via media campaigns, or information and strategies gained by non-participants from people who have directly participated. This is an important aspect of evaluating a population approach, providing information regarding the extent to which the intervention has had a broader effect on the community or population of focus (Glasgow et al., 1999). The incidental or planned activation of parent-to-parent information sharing and advocacy or “social contagion”, is thought to be an important process that occurs in successful population-based approaches, to extend the reach and impact beyond parents who have actually attended programs (Doyle et al., 2018).
Accurate Monitoring and Reporting of Program Delivery and Outcomes
Assessment of the degree to which the intervention has been adopted requires tracking the number and types of programs delivered across the implementation period. Data captured could include what program or variant has been offered; the dates, times and locations of programs; enrolment and attendance; and demographic characteristics of participants. This information not only provides overall assessment of adoption, but can be used during implementation to inform plan adaptation and achieve greater reach (Hodge & Turner, 2016). For example, these data can be used to create locally specific delivery goals, by examining participant preferences such as the distance they are prepared to travel, and preferred program types, modes, locations and times of day. Where the workforce includes collaboration with community agencies, unless there is an agreement in place in advance to share information about program delivery and client outcomes, it is virtually impossible to capture reliable, accurate data on program delivery. Agencies are under no obligation (unless contracted to do so) to share such information on their implementation of specific programs, and lack of an agreed evaluation framework and data capture tools often mean that estimates of program participation and reach are inaccurate (Shapiro et al., 2015). This is even more complex when agencies either do not have data capture systems or are operating under multiple reporting agreements that place significant extra burdens on practitioners and administrators.
Capturing Outcomes
A significant challenge to program evaluators of population-based approaches is the need for baseline and follow-up outcome data for an entire population. Capturing population-level outcomes for community-wide initiatives not only requires data on participants and non-participants but can also present contextual and environmental issues that need to be considered. As implementation of the population intervention is expensive and may take some years to implement, it will be cost-effective to plan and design a digital online data collection system at the beginning. This means that the various levels of data required can be input to a central database system by multiple stakeholders. This should be included as part of the costings, as it can save time and resources throughout the project.
Outcome Data Collected Directly from Families
Outcome data collected directly from families is one important method for determining the impact of parenting programs. Evidence from large scale research programs has demonstrated that parenting interventions have a role to play in addressing risk and protective factors associated with social disadvantage (Olds, 2006; Patterson et al., 2010). Albeit surmountable, such factors represent a substantial challenge in a population-based approach. Data are required not only from those who directly participate, but from others within the community, and those in comparison areas, with little benefit for those who have not participated to motivate their cooperation. Despite this challenge, recruitment can be highly successful. For example, Doyle and colleagues (2018) successfully recruited a representative sample of parents in both intervention and comparison counties in a population trial of the Triple P system in Ireland using household survey methods.
Collecting EBPS Outcome Data in Different Implementation Contexts
There needs to be continued assessment of EBPSs across implementation contexts such as health services, community sectors, schools and early childhood settings (Sanders et al., 2017). Such data will help to ensure that EBPSs are working in each service, to track individual parent’s progress, to identify non-responders (who may need different or additional EBPSs), to identify moderators of intervention outcomes, and to benchmark against outcomes achieved in clinical trials. Outcome data from families can also be used to monitor service initiatives, thus demonstrating the impact of investment in EBPSs over time.
Use of Population-level Indicators of Health and Wellbeing
Population-level indicators have the potential to provide valuable information for monitoring the effects and costs associated with community-wide implementation of intervention programs (Sanders et al., 2017). This can lead to better informed and more comprehensive reporting of activities and outcomes, thus promoting accountability and transparency (Cox et al., 2010). A significant challenge to the use of population-level indicators for EBPS is that few, if any, population-level indicators include parenting (e.g., views on parenting practices) that can be used to routinely track the challenges and priorities of parents over time. Access to this information is clearly necessary if we are to measure population-level shifts in child and family outcomes, and the effectiveness of government policy and interventions aimed at shifting family and child wellbeing for whole communities (Sanders et al., 2017).
While in many jurisdictions the systems for capturing and linking relevant administrative data relating to children and families are complex and not easily accessible for research or evaluation purposes, data pertaining to SDOH, and adversity may be of use for assessing population-level impacts of community-wide EBPS. Currently, access to data requires careful and comprehensive negotiation with data custodians and data authorities. Given the sensitivity and legal issues around privacy and security of data, such negotiations may take considerable time and would need to commence during the planning phases of implementation.
Minimizing Perceived Bias
As many large-scale population-level interventions are likely to have some level of involvement of developers of the program (e.g., by providing training) it is important as much as possible to reduce potential for conflicts of interest producing a biased trial result. Sanders et al. (2020) proposed a model for the management of conflicts of interest to reduce bias arising from having developers involved in an evaluation. Strategies advocated including pre-registration of trial protocols; pre-specification of the hypotheses, primary and secondary outcomes and proposed methods of analysis; and, conducting statistical analysis and interpretation of trial outcomes without the involvement of program developers.
Accounting for Uncontrolled Events
The capacity to detect population-level change within intervention communities, and between intervention and their comparison communities can be markedly affected by events that are beyond the control of implementers and evaluators. These events include policy initiatives that change the service landscape, natural disasters, and major health crises such as the COVID-19 pandemic, any of which can have pervasive effects on entire communities. Specific challenges arise when these events differentially affect one arm of a trial (e.g., comparison communities) but not another (e.g., intervention communities), as this complicates the interpretation of results. Accounting for the effects of such events on outcomes in an evaluation becomes a major challenge when widespread disruption such as a pandemic increases the risk of child maltreatment, family violence and mental health problems, and reduces participation rates in programs offered. The COVID-19 pandemic had a major effect of the in-person delivery of parenting programs. Fortunately, many parenting practitioners eventually successfully transitioned to telehealth-based delivery (e.g. Roben et al., 2022; Traube et al., 2020).
Mechanism of Change
A major gap in our knowledge of large-scale interventions is the paucity of research to identify putative mechanisms of change that explain population-level change (Sanders & Mazzucchelli, 2022). A population level intervention such as Triple P involves addressing multiple interacting systems concurrently that need to be harmonized and coordinated. It is likely that different mechanisms will need to be invoked to explain change in different aspects of the system (e.g., child behavior, parenting practices, practitioner behavior, organizational managers) and different stages of a roll out (establishment vs. sustainment). A unifying grand theory of change is likely to prove elusive.
Using Systems Modelling
The sustained implementation of an intervention that involves synergistically bringing together and coordinating multiple program elements that include different program variants, delivery modalities, multiple disciplines, service delivery systems, a mix of publicly funded and private providers, government agencies, end-users and consumers is a complex system. Modelling the real-life behavior of how dynamically changing elements within the system operate over time might reveal new insights important for future program refinement and deployment (Pfadenhauer et al., 2017; Wilkins et al. (2021). For example, there are likely to be different trajectories of parental participation in a system of evidence-based parenting support. It is not known what characterises parents (family risk profile, type of child) who are single occasion users or who become multiple-occasion users accessing further Triple P support (online or in person). Do parents accessing a higher level of support (e.g., Group Triple P) subsequently seek less intensive support (e.g. seminars) to maintain improvements or do they access more intensive support if problems continue or deteriorate.
Additional Considerations in Scaling Evidence- based Parenting Support in Socially Disadvantaged Communities
The implementation and scaling issues are relevant to all communities seeking to implement, scale and sustain a population approach to parenting support. However, in more socially disadvantaged communities the problems are complex, intertwined and the level of need can seem overwhelming. These communities can experience a complex mix of problems such as greater concentrations of vulnerable families (e.g. first nations families, refugee families, parents with high levels of adverse childhood experiences in the families of origin, higher levels of substance abuse), food and housing insecurity, high rates of unemployment, poor transportation services, concerns about racial discrimination, concerns about the quality of schools, concerns about crime and neighbourhood safety, and insecure funding for many service providers.
Conclusions
The implementation and evaluation of large-scale community-wide parenting support initiatives is a complex iterative process. It involves considerable coordination and collaboration between multiple actors, including program developers, program implementers, agencies funded to deliver services to families, parents as consumers and end users, the media, data custodians, researchers, and evaluators. Although many parts of the planning, engagement and coordination process can be influenced by implementers, events beyond their control can also influence the success of a rollout (e.g., policy changes, natural disaster events). Ongoing monitoring of the effectiveness of recruitment and engagement efforts with parents, the program variants, and modes of delivery is required, to inform any adjustments that may be needed and to ensure program delivery goals are met. Sustained deployment to optimize the benefits of a population-based parenting support initiative requires a policy-led commitment to the support of parenting and the full enactment of prevention programming, and to the provision of adequate funding for extended implementation beyond an initial demonstration project (Doyle et al., 2022). The level of funding required for the sustained deployment of a population approach to evidence-based parenting support remains a major challenge. In jurisdictions that have successfully implemented programs such as Triple P at a population level, a policy-based commitment by Government to train and resource the existing workforce and to provide implementation support has been essential. This includes funding for evaluation of outcomes.
Recommendations for Strengthening Population-Based Parenting Support Systems
Based on the challenges and opportunities identified throughout this paper, the following recommendations outline essential priorities for advancing the implementation of a public health approach to evidence-based parenting support:
1.
Treat parenting support as essential social infrastructure. Parenting is one of the most influential modifiable determinants of children’s mental health, development, and wellbeing.
2.
Invest in a competent, sustainable, and accredited workforce. High-quality implementation depends on a trained, supervised, culturally capable workforce supported by strong organizational systems.
3.
Promote equity through co-design and proportionate universalism. Universal access paired with differentiated intensity ensures equitable support for families facing greater adversity.
4.
Ensure cultural responsiveness through structured adaptation. Culturally grounded models and collaborative adaptation frameworks enhance relevance and acceptability.
5.
Build coordinated and navigable systems of care. Integrated governance, shared protocols, and streamlined pathways reduce fragmentation and improve continuity.
6.
Expand multimodal access, including digital and hybrid delivery. Flexible delivery modes increase accessibility across geographic and logistical barriers.
7.
Embed robust monitoring, evaluation, and data integration. Transparent evaluation frameworks, linked datasets, and routine monitoring strengthen accountability and population-level assessment.
8.
Strengthen cross-sector collaboration. Embedding EBPS within schools, early childhood services, and primary care broadens reach and situates support within familiar ecosystems.
9.
Secure long-term governance and financial sustainability. Sustained funding and strong governance structures ensure fidelity, workforce stability, and system-wide improvement.
10.
Establish a global research and innovation agenda. Long-term investment is required to strengthen implementation strategies, digital innovations, and culturally led models of parenting support.
Declarations
Conflict of Interests
The Triple P – Positive Parenting Program is developed and owned by The University of Queensland (UQ). Royalties from the program are distributed to the Parenting and Family Support Centre (PFSC), School of Psychology and Faculty of Health and Behavioural Sciences at UQ, and contributory authors of published resources. Triple P International (TPI) Pty Ltd is a private company licensed by UniQuest Pty Ltd, a technology transfer company of UQ, to publish and disseminate Triple P and related programs worldwide. The authors of this paper have no share or ownership of TPI. Matthew Sanders is the founder of Triple P and a contributory author and receives royalties from TPI. CC is an employee of UQ at the PFSC. KB was an employee of UQ at the time the research was conducted. JB and MW are employees of UQ. MH and RP have no conflicts to declare.
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