Social anxiety disorder (SAD), characterized by a persistent fear of negative evaluation, is one of the most prevalent anxiety disorders in childhood and youth (Beesdo et al.,
2009). SAD typically emerges early in life, with the average age of onset in late childhood to midteens (Kessler et al.,
2005). Commonly diagnosed among clinically anxious children seeking help for anxiety (e.g., Waite & Creswell,
2014), SAD is a significant burden for health care systems. Yet, children and adolescents with SAD are less likely to respond favorably to cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT) when compared to adults (e.g., Halldorsson & Creswell,
2017), highlighting the importance of studying cognitive maintenance processes in childhood SAD to improve psychotherapy effectiveness.
Rumination in Cognitive Models of SAD
Cognitive models of adult SAD propose that ruminative processes play an important role in the maintenance of the disorder (Clark & Wells,
1995; Hofmann,
2007). In detail, Clark and Wells (
1995) differentiated two ruminative processes: (a) anticipatory processing occurring prior to social situations and (b) post-event processing occurring in the aftermath. During anticipatory processing, individuals dwell on negative outcomes of the impending social situation (e.g., “everybody will see how scared I am”), recall past social failures, and generate negative mental images (Clark & Wells,
1995). Anticipatory processing is thought to lead to a negatively biased processing of social situations, including increased anticipatory anxiety and expectations of poor performance (Clark & Wells,
1995). Post-event processing, on the other hand, is defined as a repetitive and detailed review of subjective negative experiences following a social situation (Clark & Wells,
1995). The individual engages in a “postmortem” (Clark & Wells,
1995), focusing on negative aspects of the past situation and retrieval of other past social failures, such as “I always embarrass myself in social interactions” (Modini & Abbott,
2016).
In accordance with cognitive models, several recent reviews concluded that anticipatory and post-event processing are key cognitive mechanisms in the maintenance of social anxiety in
adulthood (Modini & Abbott,
2016; Penney & Abbott,
2014; Wong,
2016). However, as both anticipatory and post-event processing require complex cognitive processes and self-referential thinking, which develop in mid to late childhood (Alfano et al.,
2002), the validity of these cognitive models for children remains uncertain. In this vein, several studies demonstrated that in late childhood between the ages of 8 and 13 years, cognitive processes, and in particular negative post-event processing (Schmitz et al.,
2010), gain importance in the development and maintenance of SAD (for a review, see Halldorsson & Creswell,
2017).
Anticipatory and Post-event Processing in Childhood SAD
To date, only a few studies have investigated negative anticipatory processing in children. Some studies found an association between childhood social anxiety and more negative anticipatory self-evaluations regarding upcoming social situations (e.g., Morgan & Banerjee,
2006; Tuschen-Caffier et al.,
2011; for an exception see Halldorsson et al.,
2019). Furthermore, negative anticipatory processing was shown to be associated with higher levels of social anxiety in a community sample aged 11 to 14 years (Hodson et al.,
2008). Very few studies investigated anticipatory processing in nonclinical samples of children using experimental designs (Vassilopoulos et al.,
2014,
2017). For instance, Vassilopoulos et al. (
2014) instructed a community sample of children aged 10 to 11 years to engage in either guided anticipatory processing or distraction after announcing a public reading task. Relative to distraction, negative anticipatory processing led to maintained subjective anxiety, negative self-evaluations, and more catastrophic thinking. This effect was more pronounced in children with higher levels of social anxiety.
More studies have been done on post-event processing in children with SAD. A higher frequency of negative post-event processing was shown in both subclinical (Hodson et al.,
2008; Schmitz et al.,
2011) and clinical (Asbrand, Schmitz, et al.,
2019b; Schmitz et al.,
2010) samples with SAD compared to non-socially anxious controls. Negative post-event processing in socially anxious children seems to persist up to 1 week (Asbrand, Schmitz, et al.,
2019b; Schmitz et al.,
2011) and seems to lead to decreased self-evaluations over time (Schmitz et al.,
2011). Negative post-event processing is associated with social anxiety even when depressive symptoms are statistically controlled (Schmitz et al.,
2010), which is important given that depression is commonly associated with negative rumination (Thomsen,
2006). Further, negative post-event processing was identified as a risk factor for increased avoidance of social situations across adolescence (Miers et al.,
2014), indicating that it might not only be a maintenance factor but may play a role in the development of SAD.
Since mental health in (older) children seems to be characterized by fewer negative but not more positive cognitions (Kendall & Chansky,
1991), positive anticipatory and post-event processing have been studied to a lesser extent. For example, Vassilopoulos et al. (
2017) did not find an association between positive anticipatory processing and social anxiety in a community sample aged 12 to 13 years. Also, studies on positive post-event processing have been inconclusive: While one study reported less positive post-event processing in a sample with SAD aged 8 to 12 years compared to nonanxious controls (Schmitz et al.,
2010), other studies did not find reduced levels of positive post-event processing in highly socially anxious children aged 10 to 12 years (Schmitz et al.,
2011) and a clinical sample with SAD aged 9 to 13 years (Asbrand, Schmitz, et al.,
2019b).
In summary, previous research suggests that childhood SAD may be associated with negative cognitive processing before and after social stress. But several research questions remain unanswered. Regarding
anticipatory processing, clinical samples of children with SAD remain understudied so it remains unclear if findings from community samples (e.g., Vassilopoulos et al.,
2014) generalize to clinical populations. Also, as most studies regarding anticipatory processing employed retrospective questionnaire-based designs (e.g., Hodson et al.,
2008) and mostly assessed anticipatory self-evaluations but not negative anticipatory processing (e.g., Morgan & Banerjee,
2006), more experimental research is needed to prospectively evaluate anticipatory processing and its proposed negative consequences (e.g., elevated anxiety levels; see Clark & Wells,
1995), under well-controlled conditions. In this context, social evaluative speech tasks have been successfully implemented to induce ruminative processes in samples with SAD (e.g., Schmitz et al.,
2011).
Regarding
post-event processing, research on therapeutic interventions specifically targeting negative post-event processing is so far lacking in clinically socially anxious children. This is particularly troublesome as children with SAD profit less from existing CBT programs than children with other anxiety disorders (Hudson et al.,
2015), and because negative post-event processing was shown to be insufficiently addressed in a group-based CBT in children aged 9 to 13 years (Asbrand, Schmitz, et al.,
2019b). A promising strategy to reduce negative post-event processing in adults is cognitive distraction. Distraction refers to diverting attention away from recurrent negative thoughts and turning it to neutral or pleasant thoughts or actions (Roelofs et al.,
2009). Studies evaluating the benefits of distraction compared to guided negative rumination in highly socially anxious undergraduates demonstrated that distraction was associated with less negative post-event processing (Blackie & Kocovski,
2016), more positive post-event processing (Kocovski et al.,
2011), and a decrease in subjective anxiety (Wong & Moulds,
2009). In an adult SAD sample, Rowa et al. (
2014) reported a positive effect of distraction compared to focusing on the performance on an impromptu speech task on anxiety, but a negative effect on negative post-event processing. However, these findings might be attributable to baseline differences in symptom severity and anxiety (Rowa et al.,
2014). In childhood SAD effects of cognitive distraction on post-event processing remain understudied.
Last, most studies in children have measured anticipatory and post-event processing mainly by assessing subjective measures of stress processing. Since behavioral measures and self-reports of arousal do not always converge in child and youth samples (Miers et al.,
2011), psychophysiological measures such as skin conductance level (SCL), which is considered a reliable indicator of perceived threat (Lovibond,
1992), can provide distinct information about stress-related autonomic responding beyond what can be collected from self-reports (Los Reyes et al.,
2012).
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