Introduction
Feature-binding is an important mechanism in action control and has increasingly gained interest in recent years (Henson, Eckstein, Waszak, Frings, & Horner,
2014). Carrying out a simple response like a keypress leads to integration of response features with features of the stimuli, present at responding and effect features resulting from the response. Extending the concept of Kahneman and Treisman (
1984) object files, integration is assumed to result in an
event file that includes (binary) bindings between feature pairs (Hommel,
2004; Hommel, Müsseler, Aschersleben, & Prinz,
2001). If any part of the event file is then reencountered later on, other bound parts can be retrieved and influence current responding. Response retrieval due to stimulus repetition, for example leads to response facilitation, if the retrieved and the required response match, but to response impairment, if the retrieved and required responses do not match. According to the
Binding and Retrieval in Action Control framework (Frings et al.,
2020), these core mechanisms of feature integration and retrieval impact behavior observed in various paradigms, used to study human action control (e.g., task switching, negative priming, Posner cueing). Moreover, the same mechanisms might play a role in action related areas like visual search or memory and learning (Frings et al.,
2020; Giesen & Rothermund,
2014a). An extensive literature on binding effects has by now identified binding of response features to targets (Hommel,
1998), effects (Dutzi & Hommel,
2009), distractor stimuli (Frings & Rothermund,
2011), tasks (Koch & Allport,
2006), and even other responses (Moeller & Frings,
2019a). Notably, the latter indicate that binding mechanisms seem to be of relevance far beyond the analysis of individual simple responses, but might also play a role in the coordination of complex actions.
Even though binding mechanisms are arguably central in human action control, looking at the vast majority of studies, one might get the impression that binding effects are a phenomenon of the young and well educated. With very few exceptions (e.g., Giesen, Eberhard, & Rothermund,
2015; Giesen, Weissmann, & Rothermund,
2018) the typical sample showing binding effects was recruited at a university and included few participants over 30 years of age. Furthermore, participants were invited into a laboratory and the observed effects typically emerge in a controlled and thus artificial environment. However, if feature binding and retrieval are indeed basic mechanisms in human action control, neither the site of recruitment, nor the situation in which actions are carried out, should be decisive for the mechanisms to influence human performance.
With the current study, we want to take a first step in looking at action control in uncontrolled (i.e., non-laboratory) settings. Specifically, we asked whether it is possible to measure binding effects online. If we find binding effects in an online sample, it would imply that binding effects are generalizable beyond formal laboratory settings, and samples, collected at universities. Moreover, the possibility to measure binding effects online would also facilitate access to groups that have difficulties, coming to a laboratory (e.g., elderly people, people living far from the next university, clinical groups, etc.). In turn, the present results might pave the way to more research regarding, for example cultural, differences in basic mechanisms of human action control. Hence, instead of recruiting students at a university, we ran an online study using crowdsourcing (e.g., Amazon Mechanical Turk) and measured binding between distractor stimuli and responses.
The typical distractor-response binding paradigm implements a prime-probe sequence and in each prime and each probe, participants respond to a target stimulus that is presented together with (oftentimes flanking) distractor stimuli (see Frings & Rothermund,
2011). It is then assumed that distractor stimuli are integrated with the response during the prime, so that repetition of the same distractors in the probe can influence probe performance. Repeating distractor stimuli from the prime as distractor stimuli in the probe then leads to increased performance as compared to distractor changes between prime and probe, if the response has to be repeated. This advantage of distractor repetition is smaller or even turns into a disadvantage, if the response changes between prime and probe. Statistically, distractor-response binding effects thus manifest in an interaction of response relation (from prime to probe) with distractor relation. To anticipate the results, we did indeed find behavior of an online sample to be influenced by binding and retrieval mechanisms.
Discussion
We measured distractor-response binding effects in participants that were recruited via crowdsourcing online, participated remotely (i.e., not at a laboratory) and showed a much larger variety in age than the typical sample of university students, of most previous studies. Notably also with this difference in setting and for this somewhat different sample, the standard distractor-response binding effects were observed. That is, distractor-response binding effects are indeed generalizable to an online sample, meaning that binding- and retrieval mechanisms impact human behavior also outside of formal laboratory settings, and beyond samples, collected at universities. This result opens new possibilities for research on human action control in groups, difficult to access in a way that has been conventional for the last decades (i.e., inviting participants into a university’s laboratory). Particular groups for which this might be relevant are clinical samples and less mobile or rural groups. Similarly, being able to measure mechanisms in action control online also facilitates cross-cultural comparisons.
Even though we measured binding between distractor stimuli and responses, it should be noted that binding mechanisms seem to function identically, independent of the origin (e.g., stimulus or response) of the encoded features. This is in line with the common coding assumption (Prinz,
1992), which lies at the heart of binding mechanisms: Representations of stimuli and representations of responses are encoded in one system so that codes of perception and codes of action do not differ and can directly overlap (Hommel,
2009). Various empirical evidence supports the common coding assumption. For example, distractor-response and response-effect binding effects correlate and are modulated identically by response pacing (Moeller, Pfister, Kunde, & Frings,
2016). Also different sorts of bindings follow the same assumptions regarding a binary quality, meaning that independent of their original order, repeating one feature can retrieve the other (see, Hommel,
2004): evidence for this quality exists in studies targeting response-effect and also response-response binding (Dutzi & Hommel,
2009; Moeller & Frings,
2019b,
c). Taken together, slightly differently measured (response–effect-, stimulus–response-, response–response-, etc.) binding effects can be assumed to rely on identical processes, and it seems safe to assume that our present findings not only apply to distractor-response binding effects, but that binding mechanisms in general are relevant and measurable in a population accessible online.
Intriguingly, evidence that binding mechanisms influence behavior that is measurable online also has a very direct implication for the practical design of websites: It means that these mechanisms may impact click choices online. In the present study, correct responses were predefined and binding- and retrieval mechanisms manifested in error rates and response times. In an online scenario, this means that repeated encounters of salient visualizations have the potential to retrieve former actions, which might lead to errors while interacting with a website. Maybe even more relevant, the same mechanisms can influence choices in situations, where responses cannot be labelled “correct” or “incorrect” in advance (Dutzi & Hommel,
2009; Moeller et al.,
2016,
2019). That is, choices in an online interaction might be tipped in the direction of repeated or changed responses depending on whether or not salient stimuli from before are presented again.
Taken together, binding mechanisms seem to play a role in action control of a more general population than previously tested. Specifically, a population that is accessible online shows the same binding effects as previously reported mostly for samples of university students. This is an important piece of information, if online (click-) action is of interest. It also underlines the generalizability of binding mechanisms and opens new possibilities to compare groups of participants that have been difficult to access in laboratory studies.
Publisher's Note
Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.