Introduction
In 2001, the World Health Organisation (WHO) predicted that childhood and adolescent mental health problems would become one of the leading causes of morbidity, mortality and disability worldwide by 2020. By 2012, ~20% of adolescents reported experiencing a mental health problem in any given year (WHO
2014), with depression being one of the most prevalent (Merikangas et al.
2009; see Patel
2017). Approximately 5–9% of adolescents are clinically depressed (see Goldfield et al.
2016) and one in four have experienced a depressive episode by the end of adolescence (see Hoare et al.
2016), with females twice as likely as males to experience depressive episodes (Hankin et al.
2007). With such high rates of depression among adolescents, more research is necessary to understand the trajectory of depressive symptoms and the effects of factors that might predict changes in symptomatology.
A meta-analysis of epidemiological studies (Costello et al.
2006) estimated the point prevalence rate of major depression among 13–18-years as 5.6%, while Bertha and Balázs (
2013) reported 9–16% of 14–16 year olds experience sub-clinical levels of depressive symptoms (i.e., the presence of clinically relevant depressive symptoms that do not meet the full criteria of a major depressive episode). These sub-clinical levels increase the risk of depression and other psychopathology in adulthood considerably (Balázs et al.
2013; Bertha and Balázs
2013). These data are of major concern given that earlier onset of depression in youth is associated with drug and alcohol abuse, risky sexual behaviour and a poorer clinical course over the lifespan (see Werner-Seidler et al.
2017). Moreover, elevated rates of depressive symptoms among adolescents increases risk for comorbid health problems (see Vannucci and Ohannessian
2017) and is a central risk factor for suicide (Merikangas and Avenevoli
2002), which is the second leading cause of death in youth. However, while considerable variation in depressive symptom trajectories during adolescence exist (Garber and Cole
2010; Wickrama et al.
2008), the reciprocal relationships between these trajectories and other factors are not well understood.
Trajectories of Depressive Symptoms
Ellis et al. (
2017) reviewed 18 studies and found that multiple trajectories of depressive symptoms, primarily three (e.g., Chaiton et al.
2013; Diamantopoulou et al.
2011; Mezulis et al.
2014; Yaroslavsky et al.
2013) or four (e.g., Ellis et al.
2017; Reinke et al.
2012; Stoolmiller et al.
2005; Vannucci and Ohannessian
2017) provided best model fit. A common trajectory across all of these studies was a large group with stable and low levels of depressive symptoms, often accompanied by groups with moderate or high numbers of symptoms. However, there is a great deal of variation in the extent to which these latter two groups are characterised by increasing or decreasing symptomatology. The existence of different trajectory groups is likely to reflect the heterogeneity of the experience and expression of symptoms of depression during adolescence (Ellis et al.
2017). This variation may be attributable to the complex interactions between biological, psycho-social, and environmental causes that lead to depressive symptomatology (see e.g., Rice et al.
2003; Sonuga-Barke
2010). Clearly identifying and describing different trajectories, and reporting on which environmental factors are associated with each, will have important intervention and prevention implications.
Depressive symptoms are episodic and more common in adolescence than in childhood, raising the possibility there may be particular risks that young people experience as they get older (Gomez-Baya et al.
2017). The emergence of screen media as a predominant activity in the lives of adolescents is posited as one such risk. The research is unequivocal that adolescence is a period of high screen media use, and mobile devices now allow young people to be constantly connected to multiple activities, often simultaneously (Houghton et al.
2015; Sampasa-Kanyinga and Chaput
2016). This increased accessibility and time spent engaged with electronic screen media on a daily basis has raised health related concerns (see American Academy of Pediatrics AAP.
2016). While work examining the relationship between symptoms of depression across adolescence and screen use exists, it has been restricted to a single, overall depressive trajectory for all young people (Gunnell et al.
2016). Given the extensive research showing different trajectories of depression across adolescence, it is important to extend this work by examining screen use according to the different trajectory classes of depressive symptoms among adolescents.
Depressive Symptoms and Electronic Screen Media Use
Research examining the dynamic interplay between screen media use and depressive symptoms is relatively scarce, especially longitudinally (Maras et al.
2015). Since depression is a significant cause of morbidity in adolescents, and screen media use is highly pervasive, any longitudinal relationship would be significant in terms of widespread health risk (Jelenchick et al.
2013; Twenge et al.
2018). Much of the evidence on this debate is based, either implicitly or explicitly, on a social displacement model which assumes that time spent on devices is inversely related (in a linear fashion) to well being because of the associated reduction in real life interactions (Kraut et al.
1998). However, empirical support for this theory is, at best, patchy (see Suchert et al.
2015, for a review). Thus, to date, the evidence does not unambiguously support the asserted linear associations between screen time and subsequent depression, and the possibility of non-linear effects has not been widely considered. Non-linear effects would be consistent with the digital Goldilocks Hypothesis (Przybylski and Weinstein
2017) which posits that moderate screen use can be positive and adaptive in societies where screen use is common and normative. Over-engagement with screens may still displace other adaptive activities, but under-engagement can also be problematic because it may remove opportunities for young people to achieve positive goals such as peer relationships (see Przybylski and Weinstein
2017).
Evidence for the digital Goldilocks Hypothesis is reported in cross-sectional work relating to the positive mental well being of adolescents (Przybylski and Weinstein
2017). In addition, three studies (Do et al.
2013; Durkin and Barber
2002; Kim
2012) have reported a curvilinear relationship between specific screen activities (i.e., internet use or video game playing) and depressive symptoms where moderate screen use was associated with the lowest rates of depressive symptoms. The same was reported by Liu et al (
2016) in their review of screen time and its associations with depression. Evaluating the possibility that non-linear effects exist is therefore important and can help distinguish between social displacement and digital Goldilocks accounts of the potentially negative effects of screen time with respect to symptoms of depression.
In addition to the issues concerning the form of any relationship between screen time and (mal)adjustment, studies have tended to focus on a single or a small number of screens or screen activities (e.g., see Houghton et al.
2015; Selfhout et al.
2009). However, adolescents utilise a range of screen-based devices (e.g., tablets, smartphones, consoles, etc) to engage in many screen activities (e.g., TV viewing, gaming, social networking, internet) (Houghton et al.
2015; Rideout et al.
2010). In addition, the extent to which young people engage in these activities differs across the 13–18 year age range: e.g., texting and social networking appears to increase then stabilise, while TV and videogame use remain stable (Coyne et al.
2018). The likely costs and benefits to young people of these activities may also differ, and each may therefore have unique patterns of association with symptoms of depression. For example, passive screen use, such as watching TV, may be most likely to conform to the displacement model because it is less interactive, more frequently solitary, and so potentially amplifies symptoms in a linear fashion (George et al.
2018). In contrast, social media use is more likely to bring benefits at moderate levels of use because it offers opportunities to develop new friendships and to maintain existing ones; however, when online friendships displace those that also exist offline, social media use may become problematic (Nowland et al.
2018). These are relevant given the established relationships between friendships and depressive symptoms (e.g., Giletta et al.
2011). It is therefore important that investigations consider key activities that young people engage in when examining the links with trajectories of depressive symptoms.
Discussion
Depression is one of the most prevalent mental health problems that adolescents experience (Merikangas et al.
2009; see Patel
2017), and even sub-clinical levels increase the risk of later psychopathologies (Balázs et al.
2013; Bertha and Balázs
2013). Screen media use is almost ubiquitous during adolescence and may act as a risk for the development of raised symptomatology. Assessing young people aged 10–17 years, and considering multiple screen based activities, this study identified three different trajectories of adolescent depressive symptomatology and the characteristic patterns of screen use for each. In addition, the degree to which there were cross-lagged associations between screen use and depressive symptomatology was assessed. There was no evidence to support the digital Goldilocks Hypothesis (Przybylski and Weinstein
2017) which proposes there is a “just right” level of screen use that is adaptive. There was some limited evidence supporting a social displacement model (Kraut et al.
1998), though even here our conclusion is that any relationships between screen use and depressive symptomatology appear to be, at best, small.
The present research extends the work of what appears to be the only existing study to examine screen use and the trajectory of depressive symptoms in adolescence (Gunnell et al.
2016). However, that study only considered a single trajectory of depressive symptoms whereas our study investigated multiple trajectories of depressive symptoms (reflecting previous work on trajectories of depressive symptomatology). We also assessed screen use across a range of screen-based devices (including mobile devices, e.g., smartphones and tablets) and screen activities (gaming, social networking, web use, passive screen use). In addition, we extended the understanding of links between these variables by both evaluating the differences in screen activities for young people in different trajectory classes and looking at the shape and degree of prospective reciprocal relationships between screen activities and depressive symptomatology. In doing so, the present study provides a more comprehensive picture of the ways in which screen use and depressive symptoms are associated during adolescence.
Supporting Hypothesis 1, that there would be either three or four trajectory classes of depressive symptoms, the present study identified three classes:
Low - Stable,
High - Decreasing, and
Low - Increasing. This reflects previous work, which also identified three groups (e.g., Chaiton et al.
2013; Diamantopoulou et al.
2011; Mezulis et al.
2014; Yaroslavsky et al.
2013). Consistent with all of the studies that identified three (or four) depressive symptom trajectories, the present work also found one large subgroup of adolescents (79.9%) that displayed consistently low levels of depressive symptoms over time. Most other studies to date identified at least two other subgroups that were characterised by trajectories with increasing levels of depressive symptoms over time, or symptoms that declined over time. In the present study, these latter two groups comprised almost 21% of adolescents whose trajectories of depressive symptoms either escalated relatively quickly to severe levels (CDI 2
T scores rising from 50 to > 80) or started high and, although decreasing, remained in the problematic range of symptoms (all CDI 2
T scores > 60). This reflects research showing that up to 20% of young people report depression or sub-clinical levels of depressive symptoms (Bertha and Balázs
2013; Costello et al.
2006).
Substantial associations were apparent in the trajectories of depressive symptoms and patterns of time spent on screen use. For young people in the
Low - Increasing depression trajectory there were notable increases in time spent on screen use over a two-year period (boys increased by 1 h 47 min and girls increased by 1 h and 9 min). In contrast, those young people with
Low – Stable depressive symptoms reported stable time spent on screen use (boys increased by 13 min and girls
decreased by 20 min) across the same period. Finally, for the
High – Decreasing depression trajectory group, time spent on screen use was also relatively stable (boys increased by 22 min and girls increased by 20 min). These first two trajectory groups suggest that screen use and symptoms of depression are closely linked, but the final trajectory group (
High – Decreasing depression) implies this may not be the case. Specifically, while initially high levels of depressive symptoms reduced, this was not accompanied by similar reductions in screen time, though it is important to note that, despite these reductions in depressive symptoms, gross levels of symptomatology remained in the problematic range (all CDI 2
T scores > 60) for this trajectory throughout. These results argue against a straightforward positive relationship between depressive symptoms and screen media use as documented in previous research (e.g., Maras et al.
2015; Suchert et al.
2015).
When examining specific screen activities reported by the three depressive symptom trajectory groups, the Low - Increasing depression trajectory again evidenced important sex differences. Among males, the time spent each day on three of the four activities almost doubled from Year 1 to Year 3 of the study. Social media use increased from 1 h 29 min to 2 h 58 min per day, Passive screen use increased from 2 h 28 min to 4 h 1 min per day, and Web use from 1 h 32 min to 2 h 55 min. Although not double, Gaming also increased from 1 h 57 min to 3 h 15 min per day. Females, in contrast, only increased by between 2 to 36 min across the four activities. Such large, relatively quick increases in the amount of time being spent on screens by adolescent males may potentially alert family members that depressive symptoms could also be increasing.
Hypothesis 2 was that there would be positive, reciprocal longitudinal associations between screen use and depressive symptoms, and that whether these were linear or non-linear may differ according to specific screen activity. The possibility of screen use and symptoms of depression demonstrating a reciprocal relationship was directly evaluated using the Random Intercept Cross Lagged Panel Model (RI-CLPM) of Hamaker et al (
2015). Unlike the traditional Cross Lagged Panel Design (which assumes there are no trait like individual differences that endure over time), the RI-CLPM attempts to disentangle the within-person process from stable between person differences that are likely to be present in the data. The findings revealed statistically significant, but small, cross-lagged effects for total screen time and symptoms of depression. This suggests the causal association between screen use and depression is very modest. This assertion is supported by the unstandardised results, which suggest that each one hour increase in screen time is only associated with a 0.76 point increase in the CDI 2 depression
T score in the subsequent wave. Reciprocally, a 10-point increase in CDI 2 depression
T score was associated with only a 20-min increase in total average screen time in the subsequent wave.
When the screen use activities were examined, only one of the eight cross-lagged effects was statistically different from zero, with an increase in time spent on the Web in one wave being predictive of an increase in depression in the following wave. As no adjustments were made for multiple statistical testing it is quite possible that a single significant result could be due to chance alone. It is also possible that important moderating variables were missed in our analyses. For example, there was no reciprocal associations between social media use and depressive symptoms when looking at the group as a whole, yet small positive effects were present for boys (but not girls) when this was assessed by sex. Future research may yet identify important moderating variables. For example, there is growing evidence regarding the impact of screen use on sleep, particularly sleep debt and disrupted sleep and its association with depression (Touitou et al.
2016; Woods and Scott
2016).
Contrary to the present findings, recent research reported clear links between screen media activities and higher levels of depressive symptoms among adolescents, with daily use of social media sites increasing levels of depressive symptoms by 13% (Twenge et al.
2018). However, Twenge et al report correlations between increases in screen use and increases in depressive symptoms over the period 2011–2016. They used data from a series of national surveys and did not have access to longitudinal data to examine whether individual changes in screen use were associated with depressive symptoms.
Gunnell et al. (
2016) investigated the bidirectional relationship between screen time and health outcomes and found that symptoms of depression are independently related to screen time (and physical activity) both cross-sectionally
and longitudinally. Although only one bidirectional finding related to physical activity and depression was evident, the results were promising because they indicated that levels of screen time at age 13.5 years are not indicative of changes in depressive symptoms and screen use time over time. The present study used the RI-CLP model and found only a very modest causal association, suggesting that most of the parallel increase in screen time observed among the
Low - Increasing depression symptom trajectory was an association rather than a causal pathway. It therefore seems reasonable to conclude that the results of these models do
not provide evidence of a causal link between screen use and subsequent changes in symptoms of depression, or vice versa. This is consistent with the findings of the changes in screen use over time for the three depression symptom trajectory groups, which suggested that for adolescents whose symptoms of depression increase over time (
Low - Increasing Depression), screen use increases commensurately at the same time, neither leading nor lagging.
As our results found no longitudinal association, they do not support a causal link between screen use and depressive symptoms. There was however, a temporal association between depressive symptoms and screen use in those young people who developed depression over the course of the study. As such, significant increases in screen use time may indicate that a young person’s mental health is deteriorating. While not directly assessed in the current study, it is possible that some young people use screens in unproductive and unhelpful ways to cope with stressors encountered during this developmental period. Such increases in screen use could be a useful way of opening up conversations between adults and young people about mental health and about healthy and productive ways to cope with the demands placed upon today’s adolescents.
Our results offered no support for the Digital Goldilocks Hypothesis, which proposes that both low and high levels of screen use may be associated with poorer outcomes (Przybylski and Weinstein
2017). The small effects observed showing associations between increases in screen time and depressive symptoms does offer some limited support for a displacement model. This may indicate that a displacement model is appropriate when considering screen use and symptoms of depression. However, positive well being was assessed as an outcome by Przybylski and Weinstein (
2017) and future research should therefore seek to directly assess whether the Digital Goldilocks Hypothesis is limited to positive outcomes.
It is acknowledged that the current study utilised a sample of adolescents from Western Australia and therefore results may not generalise to other populations. Furthermore, screen use, screen activities and depressive symptoms were all assessed using self-report. While subject to the usual limitation claims surrounding self-report, it is an effective means of obtaining an accurate insight into the subjective dispositions (depressive symptoms) that can be difficult to obtain from third parties such as teachers and parents (see Frick et al.
2009; Houghton et al.
2013). Furthermore, only young people themselves can report on screen use across an entire waking day given that this will include the use of many different screens in a range of contexts (home, school, friends’ houses, etc.) at different times.
The wider social context surrounding adolescents screen use, including their motives for using different types of screen activities was not considered in the present study. This is an important aspect of screen use not reflected in the overall measures of screen time and separate screen activities such as used here. Some popular games, for example, provide a context for adolescents in which to socialise, feel connected to friends and be creative (see Przybylski and Weinstein
2017), while others can motivate young people to engage in physical activity (O’Hara
2008). The reasons why young people engage with specific screen activities potentially influences the amount of time they spend on that screen activity, which in turn may affect their health status.
Nevertheless, the present study also has important strengths such as recruiting a large demographically representative sample, a six-wave longitudinal design with low levels of attrition, and the use of state-of-the-art techniques to identify trajectories and to test for reciprocal predictive effects. These advantages combine to present a convincing case for the lack of consistent association between depressive symptomatology and screen use among young people.