Introduction
Adolescents’ prosocial behavior, or voluntary behavior intended to benefit others (Eisenberg, Fabes, & Spinrad, 2006), has been linked with several positive outcomes, including high self-esteem, academic success, and high quality relationships (Laible et al.
2004; Padilla-Walker and Carlo
2014; Wentzel
1993). Although previous studies have consistently shown prosocial behavior to increase during early childhood (see Eisenberg et al.
1998), research on the development of prosocial behavior during adolescence has revealed conflicting results (Carlo et al.
2007,
2015; Eisenberg et al.
2005; Luengo Kanacri et al.
2013). Regarding potential predictors of prosocial behavior, empathy is thought to provide the motivation to express helping behavior. Both the understanding of others’ inner states (i.e., perspective taking) and the experience of feelings of concern for others (i.e., empathic concern) are believed to facilitate prosocial behavior (Batson
1991; Hoffman
2000). Conversely, engaging in prosocial behavior may also foster adolescents’ tendency to exhibit perspective taking and empathic concern (Carlo et al.
2015). However, no previous studies have investigated the longitudinal links of both perspective taking and empathic concern with prosocial behavior (and vice versa) across adolescence. Therefore, this 6-wave study, first, investigated the development of prosocial behavior from age 13 to 18 years and, second, examined the longitudinal links between perspective taking, empathic concern and prosocial behavior. In addition, since prior research suggests that gender differences may exist both in the development (e.g., Carlo et al.
2007; Van der Graaff et al.
2014) and the prediction of prosocial tendencies (e.g., Caravita et al.
2009), we tested for gender differences in all analyses.
Development of Prosocial Behavior
Although prosocial development has long been studied, and general age-related increases have been reported from infancy through early adulthood (see Eisenberg et al.
1998; Crocetti et al.
2016), only a few longitudinal studies have examined changes in prosocial behavior across a broad age range in adolescence (i.e., Carlo et al.
2015; Luengo Kanacri et al.
2013). Yet, there is considerable evidence that several physical, cognitive, and relational changes occur during adolescence that impact social functioning. First, adolescents’ physical maturity and increasing autonomy may allow them to engage in a wider variety of prosocial actions (Carlo et al.
2012; Fabes et al.
1999). Second, advances in perspective taking (e.g., Van der Graaff et al.
2014) may facilitate higher-stage moral reasoning, which in turn should promote prosocial behavior (Blasi
1980; Eisenberg and Spinrad
2014; Kohlberg
1969). Third, increased frequency of peer interactions and interest in intimate and romantic relationships develop alongside an increase in social competence (Steinberg and Morris
2001) and may also foster adolescents’ other-oriented behavior (Fabes et al.
1999; Wentzel
2014). However, other changes during adolescence may negatively impact the development of adolescents’ prosocial tendencies. For instance, changes in affective processing and brain maturation might challenge emotion regulation in mid-adolescence (see Crone and Dahl
2012), which may temporarily diminish adolescents’ ability to direct their attention to others’ emotional needs and therefore decrease prosocial tendencies (e.g., Eisenberg et al.
1996,
2000; Padilla‐Walker and Christensen
2011). Thus, conceptually, mean levels of prosocial behavior can be expected either to increase during adolescence or to show a temporary decrease.
Moreover, the development of prosocial behavior may be different for boys and girls. According to gender socialization theorists, girls are socialized to show nurturance and caring, whereas boys are socialized to inhibit these kinds of prosocial behavior (Brody
1999). During adolescence, gender-specific socialization pressures are thought to strengthen and boys and girls may increasingly adhere to gender stereotypes (Alfieri et al.
1996; Hill and Lynch
1983), which may result in gender-specific developmental trends in prosocial behavior. Moreover, previous research revealed gender specific developmental trends in moral reasoning (Eisenberg et al
1991), empathic concern and perspective taking (e.g., Carlo et al.
2015; Van der Graaff et al.
2014). Given the conceptual connection between these constructs and prosocial behavior (e.g., Hoffman
2000; Staub
1978), it is important to investigate gender differences in the development of prosocial behavior as well.
Results from the few previous longitudinal studies on prosocial development in adolescence are inconclusive. Whereas increases were found in prosocial behavior towards strangers between age 13 and 16 (Carlo et al.
2015), and in helping behavior between age 15 and 18 (Eisenberg et al.
2005), other studies found non-linear growth between age 12 and 14 (Caprara et al.
2015), stable levels in self-reported prosocial behavior between age 10 and 14 (Nantel‐Vivier et al.
2009), and even decreases between age 13 and 18 (Carlo et al.
2007; Luengo Kanacri et al.
2013). Regarding gender differences, all of these studies revealed boys to report lower levels of prosocial behavior than girls, but the issue of potential gender differences in developmental patterns has received surprisingly little attention. Only two of the studies investigated gender moderation, of which one revealed no significant gender moderation (Carlo et al.
2015) but the other found a decrease in prosocial behavior that was stronger for boys than for girls (Carlo et al.
2007).
Given the inconsistencies in the literature, and the relative dearth of comprehensive studies on this topic, the aim of the current study is to expand our understanding of prosocial development in adolescence. To our knowledge, this six-wave longitudinal study is the first to investigate age trends and gender differences from early to late adolescence (i.e., between ages 13–18 years). The comprehensive design of the current study allows for a thorough investigation of potentially complex and gender-specific growth patterns, which may help explain inconsistencies between previous studies.
Longitudinal Links between Empathic Concern, Perspective Taking, and Prosocial Behavior
Empathy is generally deemed a multidimensional construct, involving affective as well as cognitive processes (see Davis
1996; Decety and Jackson
2004). Affective empathy refers to the vicarious experience of emotions consistent with those of the observed person and often results in empathic concern, which involves feelings of sorrow or concern for another. Cognitive empathy, or perspective taking, can be defined as the awareness and understanding of another’s emotion (Davis
1983). A previous study on the mean-level development of empathic concern and perspective taking showed that both traits are still subject to change during adolescence (Van der Graaff et al.
2014). Empathic concern and perspective taking may both facilitate prosocial behavior (Batson
1991; Hoffman
2000), although there is some debate about the relative importance of “feeling” vs. “understanding” in predicting such actions, and longitudinal studies looking at the role of both empathic concern and perspective taking in prosocial behavior are scarce.
Regarding empathic concern, feelings of sorrow for someone else are thought to be an important motivation to alleviate others’ distress, and thus, to show helping or caring behavior towards others (Batson
1991; Batson et al.
1989; Eisenberg and Miller
1987). Previous research provides empirical support for a positive association between adolescents’ empathic concern and prosocial behavior, although the evidence mainly comes from cross-sectional studies (e.g., Berger et al.
2015; Caravita et al.
2009; Eisenberg and Miller
1987; Eisenberg et al.
2001). However, a recent study showed empathic concern also to predict prosocial behavior 1 year later during early to middle adolescence (Carlo et al.
2015).
Regarding perspective taking, individuals who have a high tendency to imagine the other’s psychological point of view are likely to be other-oriented and to be aware of others’ needs. Therefore, they can be expected to be better at finding ways to help others than are individuals low in perspective taking (Eisenberg et al.
2015). However, it has been suggested that although perspective taking may facilitate positive behavior, it can also be used to manipulate or take advantage of others (Hawley
2003; Sutton et al.
1999). Thus, perspective taking, in and of itself, may not directly predict prosocial behavior. However, instead perspective taking may affect prosocial behavior indirectly through empathic concern. That is, individuals who tend to take others’ perspectives become more likely to experience feelings of concern for those others and may subsequently show prosocial behavior (Batson et al.
1989; Eisenberg et al.
2001), although a previous study (using latent variables) showed that perspective taking did not predict empathic concern between ages 14 and 17 years (Van Lissa et al.
2014). Results of previous empirical studies on the link between perspective taking and prosocial behavior are indeed mixed (see Carlo et al.
2010a, for a meta-analytic review). For instance, whereas a cross-sectional study revealed no significant association between perspective taking and defending bully victims (Caravita et al.
2009), a longitudinal study revealed that higher levels of perspective taking did predict a higher willingness to intervene in bullying (Espelage et al.
2012). Further, higher perspective taking was directly related to higher prosocial behavior (Carlo et al.
2010b), and adolescents high on prosocial behavior were found to score high on both perspective taking and empathic concern (Berger et al.
2015). However, another cross-sectional study showed the association between perspective taking and prosocial behavior to be indirect through empathic concern rather than direct (Eisenberg et al.
2001).
Taken together, there is consistent support for empathic concern as a predictor of prosocial behavior, although evidence mainly comes from cross-sectional research. However, regarding the role of perspective taking in adolescents’ prosocial behavior both the theoretical and empirical literature is mixed. Therefore, this longitudinal study aims to clarify how empathic concern and perspective taking are related to prosocial behavior throughout adolescence.
Prosocial Behavior Predicting Empathic Concern and Perspective Taking
Although previous studies have mainly focused on empathic concern and perspective taking as predictors of prosocial behavior, it is likely that the associations are bidirectional. First, engaging in prosocial behaviors provides adolescents with opportunities to show concern for others and to take others’ perspectives (Malti et al.
2009). Second, prosocial actions often evoke positive feedback from adults and peers, which may strengthen adolescents’ image of themselves as a caring and understanding person, and may reinforce them to behave accordingly (Carlo and Randall
2001; Crocetti et al.
2016). Indeed, the possible reciprocal relations between prosocial behavior, emotions, and cognitions likely result in a more integrated sense of moral self, which may account for strong moral identity (Carlo et al.
2015; Hardy and Carlo
2005). Despite these conceptual foundations, the few previous studies that examine reciprocal effects of prosocial behavior on empathy have not included perspective taking, though they do provide initial support for reciprocal relations between prosocial behavior and empathic concern (Carlo et al.
2015; Eisenberg et al.
1999). Thus, the current study is the first to investigate bidirectional relations across adolescence in the links among prosocial behavior and both empathic concern and perspective taking.
Gender Differences in Longitudinal Links
As noted previously, gender and moral socialization theorists posit gender specific socialization experiences that orient girls towards nurturing, expressive, and caring behaviors. In contrast, boys are typically socialized towards masculine-typed behaviors that include instrumentality, assertion, and competitiveness (Eagly and Crowley
1986; Leaper
2015). Gender stereotypes and gender-specific socialization practices may not only result in differences in mean levels of prosocial behavior, but may also affect its links with empathic concern and perspective taking. For instance, previous research suggests that the cognitive process of perspective taking is a stronger motivator to show prosocial behavior for boys, whereas empathic concern may play a more important role in girls’ prosocial behavior (Eisenberg et al.
2001). Moreover, girls may receive more positive feedback when engaging in prosocial behavior than boys (Brody
1999; Eisenberg et al.
2006), which may result in stronger predictive effects of prosocial behavior on perspective taking and empathic concern for girls. Although previous studies provide some support for gender differences in the associations between perspective taking, empathic concern and prosocial behavior (Caravita et al.
2009; Eisenberg et al.
2001), this issue has not yet been studied thoroughly across adolescence. Thus, in the current study, we addressed this aspect, examining whether the pattern of longitudinal associations between prosocial behavior and the dimensions of empathy differed for adolescent boys and girls.
Discussion
The tendency to engage in prosocial behavior is thought to be subject to change during adolescence. Yet, evidence from previous research regarding the direction of this change is inconsistent: increases (e.g., Eisenberg et al.
2005), as well as, decreases (e.g., Carlo et al.
2007) and stability (e.g., Nantel‐Vivier et al.
2009) have been reported. These contrasting results suggest that the development of prosocial behavior may follow a complex developmental pattern during adolescence, which could not be captured in the relatively short age span of adolescent years that mainly has been used in previous studies (e.g., Caprara et al.
2015; Nantel-Vivier). Therefore, the first aim of the current six-wave longitudinal study was to investigate mean-level development in prosocial behavior between ages 13 and 18 years, and to take potentially complex and gender-specific growth patterns into account. The second aim of this study was to investigate the longitudinal links of both empathic concern and perspective taking with prosocial behavior across adolescence. Both are generally deemed important predictors of prosocial behavior (Batson
1991; Hoffman
2000), but studies that have investigated the links of both constructs with prosocial behavior are sparse. Moreover, since most of the research on this topic has been cross-sectional, the potentially reciprocal nature of the associations hasn’t been taken into account yet. Therefore, we investigated the bidirectional links of empathic concern and perspective taking with prosocial behavior across adolescence.
Regarding the first aim of this study, we indeed found increases in prosocial behavior between early and mid-adolescence, which is in line with the notion that physical, cognitive, and relational advances foster adolescents’ other-oriented behavior. This result is consistent with previous findings of increasing prosocial behavior between age 13 and 16 years (Carlo et al.
2015) and between age 15 and 17 years (Eisenberg et al.
2005). Our result is distinct, however, from the previously reported decrease in prosocial behavior in mid-adolescence (Carlo et al.
2007). These mixed findings may be due to differences in the sample characteristics. For example, in contrast to the present sample of Dutch adolescents from primarily urban areas and from families of medium to high level SES, the Carlo et al. (
2007) sample consisted of adolescents from primarily rural communities and from families of relatively low SES in the United States. Prosocial behavior in rural areas may be relatively low as a result of depleted social capital and community resources (Carlo et al.
2007) and youth from low SES families may have limited opportunities to develop their tendency to show prosocial behavior, because they are not often involved in structured and adult-supervised activities (Hart and Atkins
2002). Given previous evidence of significant links between SES and prosocial behavior (Eisenberg et al.
2006), these findings underline the need for future research to examine in more diverse samples whether age trends in prosocial behavior differ between adolescents from high and low SES families, and from urban and rural communities. If differences in the age-related trends between studies are partly due to SES differences, then the findings suggest efforts to enrich low-SES communities with activities and resources that provide prosocial behavior opportunities.
Of additional interest is the finding that the developmental trend in prosocial behavior was gender-specific. Consistent with previous research, boys reported lower levels of prosocial behavior than girls (e.g., Carlo et al.
2015; Crocetti et al.
2016; Eisenberg et al.
2005), but whereas girls’ prosocial behavior increased between age 13 and age 16 years, boys’ prosocial behavior increased between age 14 and age 17 years. This finding may reflect gender differences in cerebral cortical development. During early adolescence, girls undergo a faster acceleration in cerebral cortical development than boys (Andrich and Styles
1994; Colom and Lynn
2004), and therefore girls are generally about 2 years ahead of boys in intellectual and social-cognitive functioning until mid-adolescence (Silberman and Snarey
1993; Porteous
1985). Furthermore, as a result of the different timing of the increase for boys and girls, the gender difference in mean levels of prosocial behavior was largest in mid-adolescence. This result is in line with gender role intensification theory, which suggests that the adherence to gender role expectations is particularly strong during mid-adolescence (Alfieri et al.
1996; Fabes et al.
1999; Hill and Lynch
1983), and is also consistent with the previous finding of increasing gender differences in levels of empathic concern and perspective taking between early- and mid-adolescence (Van der Graaff et al.
2014). However, prosocial behavior showed a decrease between age 16 and 18 years for girls, and between age 17 and 18 years for boys (Carlo et al.
2007; Luengo Kanacri et al.
2013). An explanation for this finding may be that Dutch adolescents usually finish high school, start a study either at a university or a vocational school, and/or have their first paid job between age 16 and 18 years. Such changes in adolescents’ lives and roles may lead them to focus (temporarily) on their own rather than others’ needs.
Interestingly, across adolescence, mean-level changes in prosocial behavior showed a quadratic pattern for girls, and a cubic pattern for boys. This finding is in accordance with previous studies that demonstrated complex patterns of age-related changes during adolescence as well (e.g., Carlo et al.
2007; Eisenberg et al.
2005). Moreover, the fact that growth in prosocial behavior appears to be gender-specific and non-linear may also explain the inconsistencies between previous studies that investigated prosocial behavior during different stages of adolescence. For instance, the findings of stable levels between age 12 and 14 years (Nantel‐Vivier et al.
2009), increasing levels between age 13 and 16 years (Carlo et al.
2015), and non-linear increases between age 12 and 14 years (Caprara et al.
2015) all fit within the findings of the current study showing that levels of prosocial behavior are stable for boys between age 13 and 14 years, increase for both boys and girls until age 16, and slightly decrease thereafter.
Table 3
Standardized 1-year and 2-year stabilities, and standardized within-time correlations between prosocial behavior (PB), empathic concern (EC), and perspective taking (PT) for boys (below diagonal) and for girls (above diagonal)
1. PB age 13 | – | .32*** | .17** | | | | .40*** | | | | | | .27*** | | | | | |
2. PB age 14 | .31*** | – | .18** | .17** | | | | .22*** | | | | | | .10* | | | | |
3. PB age 15 | .14** | .15** | – | .29*** | .16** | | | | .28*** | | | | | | .24*** | | | |
4. PB age 16 | | .14* | .29*** | – | .17** | .12** | | | | .20*** | | | | | | .10 | | |
5. PB age 17 | | | .23*** | .25*** | – | .43*** | | | | | .21*** | | | | | | .18*** | |
6. PB age 18 | | | | .15* | .39*** | – | | | | | | .15** | | | | | | .16*** |
7. EC age 13 | .42*** | | | | | | – | .38*** | .20*** | | | | .50*** | | | | | |
8. EC age 14 | | .23*** | | | | | .39*** | – | .42*** | .21*** | | | | .35*** | | | | |
9. EC age 15 | | | .23*** | | | | .20*** | .42*** | – | .39*** | .23*** | | | | .50*** | | | |
10. EC age 16 | | | | .18** | | | | .21*** | .41*** | – | .46*** | .24*** | | | | .39*** | | |
11. EC age 17 | | | | | .27*** | | | | .23*** | .46*** | – | .42*** | | | | | .34*** | |
12. EC age 18 | | | | | | .18** | | | | .25*** | .43*** | – | | | | | | .27*** |
13. PT age 13 | .30*** | | | | | | .48*** | | | | | | – | .35*** | .21*** | | | |
14. PT age 14 | | .13* | | | | | | .40*** | | | | | .40*** | – | .40*** | .25*** | | |
15. PT age 15 | | | .22*** | | | | | | .47*** | | | | .22*** | .36*** | – | .40*** | .25*** | |
16. PT age 16 | | | | .09 | | | | | | .39*** | | | | .22*** | .40*** | – | .40*** | .26*** |
17. PT age 17 | | | | | .26*** | | | | | | .35*** | | | | .25*** | .41*** | – | .42*** |
18. PT age 18 | | | | | | .20*** | | | | | | .29*** | | | | .26*** | .42*** | – |
Regarding the second aim of this study, consistent with posited models of prosocial development (Batson
1991; Eisenberg and Miller
1987; Hoffman
2000), we found that empathic concern was longitudinally related to subsequent prosocial behavior for both boys and girls. Moreover, perspective taking was indirectly related to later prosocial behavior, via its effect on empathic concern. These findings are in accord with scholars’ assertions regarding the central role of empathic concern in predicting prosocial behavior (Batson et al.
1989; Eisenberg et al.
2001). Indeed, perspective taking did not predict prosocial behavior directly, which affirms the importance of empathic concern rather than perspective taking as a relatively stronger predictor of such actions and is consistent with prior research on the mixed relations between perspective taking and prosocial behavior (see Carlo et al.
2010a, for a meta-analytic review). On the other hand, the present findings showed that perspective taking still plays an indirect role, by its longitudinal association with empathic concern, which in turn was related to subsequent prosocial behavior. Indeed, there were bidirectional relations between perspective taking and empathic concern across all ages and for both genders. This result is conflicting however, with the finding of a previous study that showed perspective taking not to predict later empathic concern (Van Lissa et al.
2014). This may be explained by the use of latent constructs in that study, resulting in high rank-order stability of empathic concern. The findings of the current study showing consistent bidirectional relations between perspective taking and empathic concern and indirect effects of perspective taking on later prosocial behaviour are consistent with moral development theories (Eisenberg et al.
2006; Hoffman
2000) that highlight the interplay of perspective taking and empathic concern in the prediction of prosocial behavior,
Because no prior research examined the bidirectional relations among prosocial behavior, perspective taking, and empathic concern, these relations are of particular interest. The present study reveals limited evidence for prosocial behavior as a predictor of empathic concern; prosocial behavior was associated with later empathic concern, but only for girls. In contrast, earlier prosocial behavior was not related with subsequent perspective taking. The former set of findings suggests that adolescence may be a particularly sensitive period for the development of prosocial traits for girls relative to boys perhaps as a result of social feedback on overt expressions of empathic concern. Gender differences in empathic concern are relatively consistent with gender stereotypes regarding the expression of such emotions in girls (Brody
1999; Hoffman
1977). A previous study demonstrated increasing gender differences in empathic concern, favouring girls, between early and mid-adolescence (Van der Graaff et al.
2014). The present findings support the notion that the interplay between empathic concern and prosocial behavior may have a stronger reinforcing quality for girls relative to boys. This latter explanation is in accord with scholars who note that early to middle adolescence is an age period of gender intensification, whereby boys and girls are subjected to strong pressures to conform to gender-type behaviors (Fabes et al.
1999). Therefore, the gender-related findings may result from stronger gender-consistent stereotyped notions of prosocial behaviors as feminine-acceptable actions (Carlo et al.
2012; Eagly and Crowley
1986).
Despite the relatively large sample and the cross-lagged design, there were some study limitations. First, the measures of prosocial behavior were adolescents’ self-reports, which raises concerns regarding shared method variance and self-presentational demands. Future research using multiple methods (e.g., observational) and/or multiple reporter (e.g., peer ratings) measures is desirable to reduce such concerns. And second, the sample is relatively homogenous and the findings may not generalize to broader or more diverse (e.g., across SES, ethnicities) populations of adolescents. Future studies that include larger and more representative youth samples might better address possible moderating effects of other demographic variables (e.g., SES, ethnicity). Nonetheless, the present findings significantly extend our understanding of age-related changes in prosocial behavior and in the links among sociocognitive and socioemotive traits, and prosocial behavior across adolescence.