Introduction
Homophobic attitudes and behavior are a widespread problem among adolescents. Recent studies report that approximately half of all adolescents fall victim to homophobic name-calling over the course of adolescence, with same-sex attracted boys running a particularly high risk (Collier et al.
2013). Being the target of homophobic behavior has detrimental effects on the mental health of lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) (Aragon et al.
2014) as well as heterosexual adolescents (Slaatten et al.
2015). Because homophobic attitudes serve as an important prerequisite for the expression of homophobic behavior in adolescence (Poteat et al.
2013,
2015), a thorough understanding of them is warranted.
Previous research suggests that peers affect the way adolescents think about homosexuality. Adolescents’ homophobic attitudes are similar to those of their friends (Poteat
2007). Whether this similarity is the result of peer influence is unclear. First, peer influence on homophobic attitudes may be confounded by selection processes driven by homophily principles as well as by endogenous network processes that might lead to friends having similar homophobic attitudes. Second, earlier work on this topic conceptualized peer influence as friends growing closer in homophobic attitudes over time (Poteat
2007). However, from studies in the field of attitude dynamics (e.g., Flache and Macy
2011) it can be derived that adolescents that do not like each other may distance themselves from each other in terms of homophobic attitudes, resulting in negative influence. The aim of this study was to fill these two gaps, thereby advancing knowledge on the relevance of peers for adolescents’ homophobic attitudes by empirically distinguishing all these processes.
Homophobic Attitudes in Adolescence
Adolescence is the period during in which sexuality and sexuality-related matters become salient. Engagement in sexual and romantic behavior is a normative aspect of adolescent development (Collins et al.
2009). Furthermore, most adolescents in Western countries become sexually active during this period (Mercer et al.
2013).
Sexual development in adolescence includes not only actual sexual behaviors, but also sexual identity development (Russell
2005). A problematic component of sexual identity development is the establishment of homophobic attitudes. The salience of sexual orientation has been associated with higher levels of homophobic prejudice among heterosexual adolescents (Poteat et al.
2013). This suggests that adolescents whose sexual orientation is highly important to them are more likely to view others through this categorical lens and develop stereotypes and prejudice related to sexual orientation (Bigler and Liben
2006). Consequently, they may put greater effort into ensuring that their own sexual orientation is known to others. In line with this, using homophobic epithets among adolescents in general and adolescent boys in particular has been identified as a strategy to develop and demonstrate one’s heterosexual, masculine identity to peers (Plummer
2001).
In addition to demonstrating heterosexuality to peers, adolescents may display homophobia as a bullying strategy to acquire social status (Poteat and DiGiovanni
2010). Homophobic bullying is argued to serve two purposes. First, it may lead to the emasculation of its targets, thereby undermining their social status, especially among boys. Second, given the still marginalized and stigmatized position of sexual minority individuals in society, homophobic name-calling may carry greater weight than other means for harassing peers. Although the link between homophobic attitudes and homophobic bullying is strongest in boys, highly prejudiced girls have also been found to use homophobic language as a bullying strategy (Poteat and DiGiovanni
2010). In sum, homophobic attitudes may be salient in adolescents’ lives.
This study focuses on prejudice toward gay males, as this is the group within the population of sexual minority individuals that faces the harshest discrimination. For instance, research among college students found that attitudes are more negative toward gay men than toward lesbian women (Hinrichs and Rosenberg
2002; Swank and Raiz
2010), and that gay men are more often discriminated against than lesbian women (Katz-Wise and Hyde
2012). Furthermore, in the adolescent context, homophobic attitudes were predominantly associated with the victimization of gay male targets (Prati
2012).
Peers and Homophobic Attitudes
The social salience of homophobic attitudes in adolescence suggests that peers may play a role in the development and expression of these attitudes. In general, peers become increasingly important in adolescence (Bukowski et al.
2018). Because of this and more time spent with peers, adolescents may modify their behavior and attitudes in order to blend in with their peer group. Several mechanisms might account for this. Social learning theory, for instance, postulates that people learn through observing others’ behavior, attitudes, and outcomes of those behaviors (Bandura and Walters
1977). Consequently, adolescents might simply copy the behavior of their peers. Moreover, the theory identifies a number of factors that increase the likelihood for observational learning to occur. For instance, adolescents are more likely to adopt behavior or attitudes of others they feel similar to, or identify with others who possess desired qualities. This latter may be a reason why popular adolescents have been shown to be able to steer classroom norms (Laninga-Wijnen et al.
2018). Moreover, such norms might be steered by reinforcing desired and punishing norm-defying attitudes and behavior. Importantly, adolescents might not only update their opinions because of the social consequences of their own actions, but also by observing how others fare when following or defying the norm (vicarious reinforcement). Within the adolescent peer context, reward and punishment might come in the form of social acceptance and rejection. That is, it is argued in the peer norm literature that socially rewarding normative behavior or attitudes and rejecting behavior or attitudes that are in contrast with the norm, are ways in which such norms are maintained or enforced (Dijkstra et al.
2008).
A complementary argument is provided by subjective group dynamics theory (Abrams et al.
2003), which states that when youth reach adolescence, they become more strongly attuned to norms in the peer group, and more positively evaluate peers expressing opinions that confirm rather than disobey the peer norm. Moreover, the social reasoning developmental perspective adds to this that attunement to peer norms may lead youth to become prejudiced, in particular when fair and just reasoning would be in conflict with peer norms (Rutland et al.
2010). In line with this, experimental studies showed that youth expect that challenging group norms will result in social exclusion (Mulvey et al.
2016). Together, these processes imply that the potentially detrimental social consequences of defying the norm might lead adolescents to adapt their attitudes to those of their peers, leading to a merger of homophobic attitudes in adolescent peer groups. Moreover, an important implication of these literatures is that youth may condone or internalize homophobic attitudes if they perceive this to be an important norm within their peer group, even when they infer this from strategically applied homophobic behavior of their peers. In line, previous research proposes that peers are of substantial significance for the development of attitudes of youth (e.g., Santos et al.
2017; van Zalk et al.
2013).
What is more, research suggests that adolescents’ homophobic attitudes are subject to peer influence. For instance, classroom levels of homophobic attitudes have been found to predict individual level aggression toward male schoolmates perceived to be gay (Prati
2012). Relatedly, a study on Norwegian adolescents revealed that having heard a peer using homophobic name-calling predicted participants’ likelihood to resort to homophobic name-calling themselves (Slaatten et al.
2015). Within the larger peer group, friends have been found to be of particular importance (Lomi et al.
2011). Moreover, previous research points to friends influencing the homophobic attitudes of adolescents. Using multilevel modeling, several researchers have shown that mean levels of homophobic attitudes and behavior within one’s friendship group account for a substantial part of adolescents’ homophobic attitudes (Poteat
2007) and behavior (Birkett and Espelage
2015). Furthermore, homophobic attitudes of friends predicted adolescents’ homophobic attitudes over time, suggesting peer influence (Poteat
2007).
Peer influence regarding homophobic attitudes could also result in other consequences than the merger of attitudes among friends. The expression of homophobic behavior and name-calling toward peers can be used in an effort to maintain and position oneself within adolescent peer groups (McCann et al.
2009; Plummer
2001). A logical extension of this process may be to distance oneself from peers who are accepting of homosexuality in order to pronounce existing differences and stress the portrayal of a heterosexual self-image. And, vice versa, is it feasible that adolescents who are accepting of homosexuality find it important to distinguish themselves from homophobic peers.
These mechanisms are in line with studies on polarization. Social influence has traditionally been defined as a process of opinion averaging (Friedkin and Johnsen
1990), which may indeed comprise an important component of social influence. At the same time, theoretical and simulation studies have concluded that defining social influence as opinion averaging inevitably leads to converging opinions in groups or even societies (Mäs and Flache
2013). Consequently, using such a narrow definition of social influence is not feasible for explaining the persistence of diversity in, or even polarization of opinions (Dandekar et al.
2013; Mäs and Flache
2013). Therefore, social influence might also consist of actively distancing in attitudes, so-called negative influence (Flache and Macy
2011). This negative influence might occur between people who do not like each other (Takács et al.
2016). This idea resonates with balance theory (Heider
1946) and the theory of cognitive dissonance (Festinger
1957), which assert that people prefer to be in a situation of cognitive consistency. Regarding peers that do not like each other (“foes”), this is achieved by disagreeing with people you dislike on issues that are socially salient (Heider
1946). Given the ubiquity of homophobic attitudes in the adolescent peer context (Slaatten et al.
2015), it might be that this is a trait that triggers such a process.
Although negative influence is a straightforward and intuitively appealing micro-process for explaining diversity or polarization of opinions, there is only limited empirical evidence for the existence of it. Most lab experiments testing negative influence returned null findings (Flache et al.
2017; Takács et al.
2016). However, a recent field experiment using Twitter did reveal evidence in line with negative influence (Bail et al.
2018). In that study, a sample of US Twitter users self-identifying as Republican or Democrat were followed over a one-month period. Participants in the treatment condition followed a Twitter bot that retweeted messages from a sample of liberal (for Republican participants) or conservative (for Democratic participants) Twitter accounts. In particular Republican participants that were confronted with liberal messages became substantially more conservative by the end of the study period.
An implication of this relative lack of empirical evidence for negative influence might be that negatively valued peer relationships alone may not be enough to spark negative influence within the adolescent peer context. Youth might simply avoid interacting with peers they dislike, leading to ignorance rather than negative influence. Therefore, it may be necessary to take into account additional conditions that are thought to increase the likelihood for negative influence to occur. Two conditions that may be relevant here are differing in demographic traits and strong opinion dissimilarity (Flache et al.
2017). Using faultline theory (Thatcher and Patel
2011), it could be contended that negative influence occurs only when foes also differ on relevant demographic traits, leading to more strictly delineated and thereby more socially salient groups. The more differences in individual characteristics will be aligned, the more differences between groups of people will be highlighted, meaning that groups are more internally homogenous and contrasts between groups are starker. In such a situation, group differences become more salient, impeding cooperation and increasing tensions between members of different groups. Trait dissimilarity is often used as an important condition for negative influence in theoretical opinion dynamics models, by inferring from balance theory (Heider
1946) and the theory of cognitive dissonance (Festinger
1957) that individuals strive to accentuate disagreement with others if these are too dissimilar (Flache et al.
2017).
A fruitful application of aforementioned conditions for studying negative influence on homophobic attitudes within the adolescent peer context might be to study peers that do not like each other and are of a different sex. To begin, sex is perhaps the most important characteristic for steering peer interactions in adolescence (Bukowski et al.
2018) and delineating groups more generally (Rico et al.
2007). Furthermore, boys on average are more homophobic than girls. By studying cross-sex foes, focus is thus on peers that dislike each other, differ on a relevant demographic trait, and likely differ strongly in the extent to which they are homophobic.
Selection Mechanisms in Adolescents’ Homophobic Attitudes
Peer influence on homophobic attitudes can only be reliably studied when selection processes are considered. That is, when examining social influence, one should control for selection processes that might serve as an alternative explanation for (dis)similarity in homophobic attitudes between peers. Selection of friends is often based on similarity in certain traits. Similarity in traits might stimulate friendship creation as it leads to increased trust and shared knowledge, eases communication, and fosters mutual understanding, explaining such homophily (McPherson et al.
2001). Selection most likely occurs on attitudes that are socially salient. Homophobic attitudes may occupy such a position in adolescence, given the pervasiveness of homophobic prejudice within the adolescent peer context (Horn
2006) and the strong link between homophobic attitudes and sexual identity development (Poteat et al.
2013). Although homophobic attitudes themselves are a nonvisible trait, their consequences can be visible, for instance through the verbalization of attitudes during conversations, including the use of homophobic epithets, or the display of homophobic behavior. This attests the social salience of homophobic attitudes and enables selection on behavior, another important driver of homophily (McPherson et al.
2001).
When adolescents endorse very different homophobic attitudes, a reversed pattern could occur. That is, in addition to fostering interaction between adolescents with similar homophobic attitudes, dissimilarity in homophobic attitudes may cause adolescents to avoid social interaction or to dislike each other. This is often referred to as the
repulsion hypothesis, which states that dissimilarity in attitudes leads individuals to evaluate each other negatively (Takács et al.
2016). As with negative influence, the argument for this process was inspired by balance and cognitive dissonance theory (Festinger
1957; Heider
1946), this time using attitude incongruence as a theoretical starting point. In such a situation, cognitive dissonance might be resolved by disliking one another. From a relational perspective, such a process entails the establishment of an antipathy relationship between two individuals with very different homophobic attitudes.
The Current Study
The aim of this study was to investigate the role of positive (friendships) and negative (foes) peer relationships in the development of homophobic attitudes in adolescence. Regarding influence processes within friendships, because of the pervasiveness and social salience of homophobic attitudes during adolescence, and in line with earlier research, it was expected that over time, adolescents’ homophobic attitudes would become more similar to their friends’ homophobic attitudes (Hypothesis 1). Furthermore, whether negative influence processes with regard to homophobic attitudes could be found between adolescents that dislike one another was examined, testing the following hypothesis: Over time, adolescents’ homophobic attitudes would become more dissimilar to their foes’ homophobic attitudes (Hypothesis 2).
With regard to selection, it was first expected that selection on homophobic attitudes would play a role in the establishment of friendships, leading to the following hypothesis: Adolescents would be more likely to select peers as friends when they are similar in homophobic attitudes (Hypothesis 3). Following the repulsion hypothesis, dissimilarity in homophobic attitudes would lead to disliking between adolescents. Thus, it was expected that adolescents would be more likely to dislike each other when they are dissimilar in homophobic attitudes (Hypothesis 4).
Finally, acknowledging that disliking alone might not be a sufficient condition for negative influence between peers, hypotheses two and four were retested for cross-sex dyads of adolescents that did not like each other by preserving from the antipathy networks only ties between actors of a different sex. This way, it was tested whether negative influence was observed between adolescents that both disliked each other and were of different sex (Hypothesis 2b). An additional benefit of this follow-up analysis is that it enabled us to find out whether or not a “faultline” effect can be detected in network selection between cross-sex peers, in the sense that differing strongly from cross-sex peers in terms of homophobic attitudes increased the likelihood of disliking (Hypothesis 4b).
Discussion
Previous research suggests that homophobic attitudes are subject to peer influence in adolescence (Poteat
2007), but evidence on specific mechanisms is lacking. Therefore, the social salience of homophobic attitudes in the adolescent peer context was assessed by employing longitudinal social network models and examining the potential influence of both friends and foes. Furthermore, it was studied whether (dis)similarity in homophobic attitudes made adolescents more likely to select peers as friends or foes. Findings indicated that friends grew closer in homophobic attitudes over time, in line with the social influence hypothesis. However, similarity in homophobic attitudes did not increase the likelihood to select peers as friends in a consistent manner. Follow-up analyses indicated that having very different homophobic attitudes increased the likelihood of disliking between peers of different sex, but no evidence was found for adolescents developing more polarized homophobic attitudes compared with the peers they disliked over time.
Study findings were in line with earlier research claiming that peers influence each other’s homophobic attitudes (Poteat et al.
2007; Prati
2012; Slaatten et al.
2015). This study adds to the literature by confirming this finding within a framework with particular methodological rigor. That is, it was shown that adolescents grow closer to the attitudes of their friends over time, suggesting social influence. Following arguments derived from social learning theory, subjective group dynamics, and the social reasoning developmental perspective, it was claimed that this social influence could be a consequence of a strong attunement to the norms within adolescent peer groups. Future studies employing the experimental design common in this literature (Abrams et al.
2003), could elucidate whether attunement to group norms indeed leads to adolescents changing their homophobic attitudes, or whether social influence might be due to other mechanisms, such as the dyadic interactions that the theoretical literature on attitude dynamics argues to be the driving force behind opinion change (Flache et al.
2017).
No consistent evidence was found for adolescents being more likely to select each other as friends when they were more similar in homophobic attitudes. This could mean that homophobic attitudes might not operate as a selection criterion for friendship selection in adolescence. That could imply that the verbalization of attitudes during conversations, usage of homophobic epithets, or display of homophobic behavior, which were argued to facilitate selection processes, might have been less common than assumed. Stronger effects might have been detected when more visible aspects of homophobic prejudice than attitudes would have been measured, such as homophobic bullying or name-calling. It has been found that adolescents do not only display homophobic behavior in order to express homophobic attitudes, but also more instrumentally, for instance to acquire social status or as a bullying strategy (Fulcher
2017). This means that this study provided evidence on influence and selection mechanisms on an attribute that is closely linked to the concept of homophobia. However, having measured homophobic behavior would have given us the opportunity to analyze whether youth update their homophobic attitudes through observing peers that employ homophobic behavior strategically, as was argued during hypothesis building.
In addition, results in one of the schools pointed to a negative effect of similarity in homophobic attitudes on friendship selection. This means that adolescents were less likely to establish or maintain friendship ties with others, the more similar they were in homophobic attitudes. Although this pattern was found in only one school (School 3), it provides room for speculation. As School 3 was by far the smallest school in the study, the negative selection effect found there could suggest that under structural constraints one might be more likely to accept that friends hold different opinions. That is, in social situations in which no or only a few likeminded peers might be available, the desire to acquire and maintain friendships might trump the preference for friends with similar opinions.
No evidence was found for adolescents who disliked each other to become more dissimilar in homophobic attitudes over time, in line with other research that fails to find convincing empirical evidence for negative influence as a mechanism of social influence (for an overview see Flache et al.
2017). Previous research on negative social influence used experiments, whereas this comprised a field study, examining attitude dynamics over a longer period of time, making these findings a valuable extension to this line of work. In addition, results are of interest in light of the intriguing field experiment among Twitter users (Bail et al.
2018), where evidence in line with negative influence
was detected. Whilst recognizing that Twitter users with opposing political views certainly do not map one-to-one onto disliked peers in adolescence, and whilst cautioning readers against equating non-significant results with a validation of the null hypothesis that there is no negative influence, some speculations of these differences in findings can be offered. The differences could mean that negative influence can be induced in a situation of forced exposure to others with strongly opposing views. This forced contact might for instance play a role within political polarization, which originates in an institutional context where political opponents are in repeated forced contact with one another. In contexts where people have more freedom in whom to interact with, such as for instance in the high school context, they might opt for avoiding or ignoring people that hold opposing views or whom they dislike, rather than being negatively influenced.
Relatedly, the null findings regarding negative influence could indicate that the extent to which adolescents are aware of the homophobic attitudes of their foes might have been overestimated, despite a sizable literature attesting the salience and ubiquity of homophobia in the adolescent peer context (e.g., Collier et al.
2013). As shown in Figure
1, most participants did not have extreme opinions regarding homosexuality. Therefore, they may not have manifested their attitudes as behaviors frequently. Therefore, in such cases youth may make assumptions of the homophobic attitudes of their foes based on stereotypes, which could prevent negative influence in case such assumptions are inaccurate.
An even more pessimistic interpretation of results could be that homophobic attitudes did not comprise a salient topic in the adolescent peer context, and that participants only discussed them after being primed to do so after the first wave of data collection. Consequently, participants might have discovered the homophobic attitudes of their friends, but not of their foes, as foes might have avoided each other’s company. If true, homophobic attitudes may not be a critical factor along which Dutch adolescents align.
This study has some limitations. First, stochastic actor oriented models lack a straightforward interpretation of effects in terms of their effect size (Ripley et al.
2019).
5 Although some efforts have been made to evaluate results from stochastic actor-oriented models in terms of effect size (Indlekofer and Brandes
2013; Ripley et al.
2019), the interpretability of these measures is limited, as they lack the intuitive appeal of effect size measures from linear models. Consequently, evidence was evaluated primarily in terms of statistical significance, although it must be acknowledged that if possible,
p-values should not be the sole parameter to look at when evaluating research evidence (McShane et al.
2019). Therefore, caution in interpreting results was applied by performing multiple theoretically informed follow-up analyses, and weighting evidence by considering consistency in findings across schools, in addition to statistical significance only.
Second, the employed measure of homophobic attitudes only included items referring to gay men or homosexuality in general. Items specifically referring to lesbian women were not included. This is common in the field, where more instruments for the measurement of homophobic attitudes have been developed that include no or only a few items explicitly referring to lesbian women (Siebert et al.
2009; van Wijk et al.
2005; Wright et al.
1999). Nonetheless, this choice could have influenced results. As mentioned, gay men are the subgroup within the population of sexual minority individuals that face the most negative prejudice (Swank and Raiz
2010). It could thus be that smaller effects would have been found had items about lesbian women been included in the scale, as feelings about this group might have been less strong and thus less salient.
Lastly, although the analyses controlled for gender, ethnicity and participants’ own sexual orientation, traits that are known to correlate strongly with homophobic attitudes (Costa et al.
2013), a remaining threat to conclusions is that results are consequence of latent homophily. That is, instead of students selecting peers based on or affecting their peers’ homophobic attitudes specifically, selection and influence might have taken place on progressive or conservative sociopolitical stances more generally instead. Unfortunately, as homophobic attitudes were the only sociopolitical attitude measure collected in the data, this is not something that could be explored and is thus left for future work to remedy. A strategy for solving this issue could be to collect information on a number of sociopolitical attitudes in addition to homophobic attitudes and simultaneously estimate selection and influence processes with regard to them. If selection or influence indeed takes place on general conservatism or progressiveness rather than on specific issues, the simultaneous inclusion of multiple attitudes could make the here detected effects disappear as a consequence of multicollinearity.
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