Peer victimization and internalizing problems are reciprocally related to each other in a negative cycle. That is, youth who are victimized by peers are more likely to develop depressive and anxious symptoms, and depressed and anxious youth are more likely to become victims of peer victimization (Reijntjes et al.,
2010). However, it is unclear whether these effects remain when tested at the intraindividual level, even though theory assumes within-person processes. In other words: Does an individual report more internalizing problems when their experienced level of victimization increases? Furthermore, the negative cycle may be broken by high-quality friendships (Hodges et al.,
1999). There is evidence that some aspects of friendship, such as support and protection, may buffer the link between peer victimization and internalizing problems, but the results are mixed. The current study aims to examine associations among between-person differences and within-person change over time in peer victimization and internalizing problems in adolescence, as well as the buffering effect of friendship quality.
Associations of Peer Victimization with Depressive Symptoms and Anxiety
Peer victimization can be defined as being the target of peers’ behaviors that are intended to be hurtful, either directly or indirectly (Adams et al.,
2011). Relational victimization involves acts that hurt the victim’s social relationships, whereas physical victimization involves physical or verbal aggression. Although the two types of victimization show some differences in correlates with other constructs, there is considerable overlap between the two, as many adolescents who experience one type of victimization also experience the other (Casper & Card,
2017). The current study will examine victimization as one construct, including both relational and physical victimization.
Approximately 10–15% of youth are peer victimized (Juvonen & Graham,
2001) and chronic peer victimization has long-lasting effects that may persist into adulthood, including diminished self-esteem, physical and mental health problems, and low-quality relationships (McDougall & Vaillancourt,
2015). Adolescents may be particularly vulnerable to peer victimization compared to children or adults, because peers become increasingly important in adolescence (Bukowski et al.,
2011).
Adolescents who reported more peer victimization than others also experienced more internalizing problems, both when assessed concurrently (Hawker & Boulton,
2000) and predictively (Reijntjes et al.,
2010). Not only did victimization predict higher levels of internalizing problems, but having high levels of internalizing problems may also put youth at risk for victimization, as these adolescents may be less socially competent and less liked by peers (Christina et al.,
2021). However, as these studies showed the link between victimization and internalizing problems at the between-person level, it is not yet clear whether these findings apply to between-person differences only, or also apply to individual change. Controlling for earlier internalizing problems removes some but not all of the between-person variation from the effects. It is unclear whether changes in victimization co-occur with changes in internalizing problems for that same adolescent. This would mean that adolescents are not always stuck in a pattern of victimization and internalizing problems, but change can happen for the better, and that intervening in bullying would help the victim’s mental health.
Although depressive symptoms and anxiety often co-occur within individuals, their associations with peer victimization may differ. Peer victimization is more strongly associated with depressive symptoms than with anxiety (Hawker & Boulton,
2000), and there is some evidence that the link between peer victimization and anxiety is bidirectional, whereas the link between peer victimization and depressive symptoms is not (Sentse et al.,
2017). Additionally, positive and negative friendship quality may differentially buffer depressive symptoms and anxiety (Fitzpatrick & Bussey,
2014). It is important to distinguish between depressive symptoms and anxiety when studying the associations of internalizing symptoms with peer victimization and the buffering effect of friendship quality.
The aforementioned studies showing that there are associations between peer victimization and symptoms of depression and anxiety did not explicitly separate between-person associations from within-person associations. Between-person associations concern differences between individuals, whereas within-person associations concern processes of change over time within an individual. To illustrate the difference, consider the association between exercise and heart attacks: People who exercise more frequently are less prone to heart attacks (between-person effect), but an individual is more likely to experience a heart attack while exercising (within-person effect; Curran & Bauer,
2011). In the context of victimization, adolescents who typically experience more victimization than others might also report more internalizing symptoms than others, yet change in victimization for an individual adolescent does not have to be related to change in internalizing symptoms for that same adolescent. When studying only between-person associations, or aggregated between- and within-person associations, it is not possible to draw conclusions on individual change (Hamaker,
2012). Nevertheless, many interventions, which by definition target within-person change, are based on studies that do not separate between- and within-person associations. Although peer victimization may be quite stable for some adolescents, many adolescents experience increases or decreases in peer victimization (Sheppard et al.,
2019). Decreases in an individual’s experienced peer victimization may be related to improvements in psychosocial adjustment. For interventions, it is particularly relevant to examine whether an adolescent’s internalizing problems change when peer victimization changes at the individual level. To the authors’ knowledge, this disaggregation of effects has not been done with regard to peer victimization and internalizing problems, yet conclusions are often drawn as if these effects reflect intraindividual processes.
The Role of Friend Support and Conflict
Close friends are particularly important for wellbeing in adolescence (van der Horst & Coffe,
2012), and peer support interventions have been found to reduce depressive symptoms (Pfeiffer et al.,
2011). Friends may form a buffer against the effects of peer victimization rather than affecting the occurrence of victimization per se. The idea that high-quality friendships can protect against the effects of adversity stems from the buffering hypothesis of social support (Cohen & Wills,
1985). Peer victimization threatens the need to belong, but adolescents who experience a sense of belonging within an intimate friendship dyad, may be less affected by the threat that peer victimization may pose. Alternatively, close friends may provide adolescents with social support when faced with adversity (Kendrick et al.,
2012). Friendships characterized by high negativity can be a source of stress relating to internalizing problems. Instead of buffering against peer victimization, friendships that are characterized by high levels of conflict may exacerbate its effects on internalizing problems.
Although many different facets of friendship can be distinguished, the current study focuses on friend support and conflict. Support is characterized by mutual trust and reliance on each other, whereas conflict includes negative interactions, such as fights and annoyances within the friendship. A recent systematic review (Schacter et al.,
2021) examined the buffering effect of several indices of friendship quality, including constructs such support, friendship self-efficacy and time spent with friends, and the results were ambiguous, even when focusing solely on friend support. Some studies found a buffering effect of friend support (e.g., Cuadros & Berger,
2016; Lim et al.,
2011), but others found that victimization was associated with internalizing problems regardless of support (e.g., Brendgen & Poulin,
2018; Davidson & Demaray,
2007), or that the buffering effect was only present for boys (e.g., Cheng et al.,
2008; Tanigawa et al.,
2011). Some even showed that friend support amplified the association (e.g., Holt & Espelage,
2007; Reid et al.,
2016), possibly because close friends tend to use more excessive problem-talk to deal with issues, a phenomenon known as co-rumination (Rose,
2002).
There is less research on friend conflict as a (negative) aspect of friendship quality and its moderating role in the relationship between victimization on internalizing problems. Only one study showed a moderating effect of negative friendship quality: Overall negative (but not positive) friendship quality was associated with a weaker link between victimization and depressive symptoms, but not social anxiety (Fitzpatrick & Bussey,
2014). However, other studies found that conflict did not moderate the effect of victimization on internalizing problems (Hodges et al.,
1999), loneliness (Woods et al.,
2009), depressive symptoms or social concerns (Schmidt & Bagwell,
2007). In sum, these studies show support for a buffering effect of friend support, and to a lesser extent friend conflict.
Evidence for the buffering effect of friend support has been found at the between-person level: For adolescents who overall report more friend support, for example, smaller between-person associations between victimization and internalizing problems were found. Possibly, this effect also takes place at the within-person level: When an adolescent experiences more friend support or less conflict than usual, they are more resilient against fluctuations in peer victimization. The latter suggests that improving friendship quality may increase adolescents’ resilience.
Gender differences
Gender may play a role in the associations between peer victimization, friendship quality and internalizing problems, as girls typically score higher on depressive symptoms and anxiety (Graber and Sontag,
2009). Furthermore, there may be gender differences in the association between peer victimization and internalizing problems, because boys and girls handle stressors differently. For example, boys tend to respond more directly to social threats (Underwood & Buhrmester,
2007) and are more likely to externalize in response to social adversity, whereas girls are more likely to internalize (Graber & Sontag,
2009). Girls may also be more likely to (co-)ruminate about the experienced victimization, which in turn may lead to more feelings of depression and anxiety (Starr,
2015), and they tend to be more sensitive to social acceptance, rejection, and support (Rose & Rudolph,
2006).
There is some evidence for gender differences in the association between peer victimization and internalizing problems, as well as in the moderating role of friendship quality. One study showed that boys who were physically victimized reported more loneliness than boys who were not, whereas there was no difference between victimized and non-victimized girls (Woods et al.,
2009). Boys and girls may benefit differently from different friendship qualities, depending on the type of victimization they experience. In one study, friends’ help weakened the association of peer victimization with social concerns in girls, whereas it strengthened the association in boys. Similarly, security weakened the association between physical victimization and depressive symptoms in girls, whereas it strengthened the association in boys. However, closeness strengthened the association between physical victimization and depressive symptoms in girls, but not in boys (Schmidt & Bagwell,
2007). Together, these studies showed that the buffering effect of friendship quality may not be the same for boys and girls, for depressive symptoms and anxiety, and for support and conflict.