The widespread use of smartphones among children has raised concerns due to potential physical, psychological, and social risks. Understanding parental perceptions is essential for promoting responsible digital practices. This study explores the concerns of parents regarding their children’s smartphone use within a specific socio-cultural context. Data were collected in 2024 through an online questionnaire distributed to families in the Basque Country, northern Spain, a region with high smartphone penetration and early digital exposure among children. A total of 615 parents of children aged 6–12 participated, providing open-ended responses about their worries. The Reinert method was applied to analyze these discourses, identifying six main areas of concern. Five of these focus on children’s misuse of smartphones, including problematic use of social networks, exposure to inappropriate content, lack of digital skills, family conflicts, and reduced outdoor play. The sixth area addresses parental responsibility, with many parents acknowledging difficulties in regulating their children’s use and expressing a need for better information and support. The findings highlight the importance of early and constructive family dialogue about smartphone use, even before children own their own devices. Moreover, the study emphasizes the need for collaborative strategies involving schools, institutions, and communities to support families in managing this challenge. By situating the study in its regional context, these results provide valuable insights into how local factors influence parental concerns. Overall, the research underscores the necessity of collective efforts to empower families and safeguard children’s well-being in an increasingly digital society.
The original online version of this article was revised: The author's name Naiara Ozamiz-Etxebarria was incorrectly written as Ozamiz Echevarria. The original article has been corrected.
Smartphones have undeniably become integral to everyday human life (Radtke et al., 2022). What once was merely a technological tool has now evolved into a social instrument (Carbonell et al., 2013). These devices have transformed our routines, making communication, access to information, and various daily tasks more convenient (Miller et al., 2021; Wang et al., 2014).
However, the widespread use of screens, particularly smartphones, is becoming increasingly common among children (Sohn et al., 2019). The number of children using smartphones is growing, with many beginning to use their parents’ devices from early childhood (Golden et al., 2020). This new trend presents specific risks, as numerous studies indicate that mobile device use among minors can lead to a range of psychological, physical, and social issues (Domoff et al., 2019; Bozzola et al., 2022). The evidence is clear: excessive smartphone use can negatively impact children’s well-being and development, underscoring the need to address this issue seriously and cautiously (Van Velthoven et al., 2018; Wacks et al., 2021).
To begin with, children’s smartphone use carries several psychological risks that merit careful consideration. One of the primary concerns is technology addiction, exacerbated by the constant availability of social networks, video games, and other interactive content (Loleska & Pop-Jordanova, 2021). This addiction can lead to emotional dependence on these devices and a decreased interest in physical or social activities (Fischer-Grote et al., 2019). Moreover, studies have shown that many children spend extended periods in front of screens, losing track of time (Nakshine et al., 2022; Toh et al., 2019). Excessive screen time can also lead to increased family conflicts, whether due to disputes over screen use or sibling rivalry over device access (Yang & Zhang, 2021; Momineen et al., 2023).
Excessive smartphone use in children is also associated with mental health issues, including anxiety, depression, and sleep disorders (Chang et al., 2022; Lemola et al., 2015). Prolonged exposure to social media and potentially harmful content can adversely affect children’s emotional well-being and self-esteem (Casale et al., 2022). A particularly alarming concern is cyberbullying, to which children may be vulnerable on online platforms, often leading to severe emotional and psychological repercussions (Kwan et al., 2020).
Children may also be exposed to a wide range of inappropriate content on their smartphones, including violence, pornography, hate speech, and content that promotes dangerous behaviors (Serra et al., 2021). Such exposure can be disturbing and confusing, potentially distorting their perception of reality and social norms (Nayeem, 2024). Another significant risk is the interference with concentration and learning. Constant interaction with mobile devices can hinder children’s ability to focus, negatively impacting their academic performance and cognitive development (Wilmer et al., 2017).
On a physical level, excessive smartphone use reduces the time children spend engaging in physical activities (Domoff et al., 2019). This sedentary lifestyle increases the risk of obesity and other chronic diseases (Ekanayake et al., 2023; Ferrari et al., 2015). Additionally, overuse of mobile devices has been linked to various physical problems, such as eye strain and headaches (McCrann et al., 2021).
Socially, excessive smartphone use can interfere with important activities like playing with friends, which is crucial for developing social and emotional skills (Ihm, 2018; Nijhof et al., 2018). Communication through devices does not always foster the development of interpersonal skills in the same way that direct, face-to-face interactions do (Yadav & Chakraborty, 2022). Spending too much time on social media can lead to isolation (Bozzola et al., 2022; Stevic & Matthes, 2021). Children may become overly reliant on online interactions, neglecting in-person relationships, which can impair the development of essential social and emotional skills (Downey & Gibbs, 2020).
Several studies have examined parental attitudes toward excessive screen use among school-aged children, emphasizing the negative health impacts it can have. These studies highlight various physical health problems, such as headaches, vision issues, and sleep disorders, as well as mental health concerns, including stress, anxiety, and dependency. They also address the influence of screen time on social, emotional, and academic development, along with the risks associated with exposure to inappropriate or dangerous content (Buabbas et al., 2021; Danet, 2020; Golden et al., 2020). In addition to these concerns, parents often struggle with regulating their children’s screen time and lack consensus on what constitutes an appropriate amount (Matthes et al., 2021). Some parents have even expressed resistance to the educational use of smartphones in schools, citing mistrust and skepticism regarding their effectiveness (Hadad et al., 2020). Despite growing awareness, many parents feel overwhelmed by the rapid pace of technological change and the challenges of constantly monitoring their children’s device usage (Livingstone & Blum-Ross, 2020). As a result, some may fail to establish clear boundaries or encourage healthy and safe smartphone use (Matthes et al., 2021).
It is important to consider that children’s smartphone use is shaped by specific cultural, social, and regulatory factors. In Spain, smartphone penetration among children is notably high, with 69% of 10-year-olds owning a smartphone (INE, 2023). Recent findings from the EU Kids Online project reinforce this picture, highlighting that Spanish children report some of the highest levels of smartphone use in Europe and that parental mediation varies widely across countries (Smahel et al., 2020). These international comparisons offer valuable insights for understanding how national and regional dynamics influence parental concerns and responses.
However, educational policies regarding smartphone use in schools are inconsistent and under ongoing debate. In regions like the Basque Country, families often face this challenge without clear institutional guidance, making parental perceptions especially relevant for understanding how these dynamics unfold in practice. Therefore, exploring this phenomenon within its local context provides essential insights for interpreting parental concerns and their implications.
At the same time, it is important to acknowledge that recent research offers a more nuanced perspective on children’s smartphone and social media use. Some studies emphasize that the effects are not inherently negative, but rather depend on factors such as usage patterns, parental mediation, and the social and emotional context of the child (Orben, 2020). Moderate and purposeful smartphone use can facilitate social connection, access to educational resources, and the development of digital skills (Tigor & Simbolon, 2023). Additionally, studies suggest that active parental involvement and open communication can mitigate risks and promote healthier digital habits (Szabó et al., 2024). While this study focuses on parental concerns, it is framed within this broader and more complex understanding of children’s digital experiences
Given these concerns, there is a need for up-to-date scientific evidence on parents’ perspectives regarding their children’s smartphone use. This research aims to explore these concerns comprehensively, allowing parents to express their views freely and capturing the reality of the situation. It will include the perspectives of parents with children aged 6–12 years, as smartphone use, whether of their own devices or those of their parents, is increasingly common among younger children (Park & Park, 2021). In summary, the primary objective of this research is to analyze the main concerns parents have regarding their children’s smartphone use.
Method
This study follows a qualitative research design, with data collected through an online structured questionnaire specifically designed to explore parents’ concerns regarding children’s smartphone use. The questionnaire included both closed-ended questions, aimed at gathering sociodemographic information and contextual variables, and one open-ended question, which served as the primary source of data for the qualitative analysis. While the instrument included some closed-ended questions to describe the sample and contextualize the findings, the main focus of this research is qualitative, centered on analyzing the parental discourses expressed in the open-ended responses.
Participants
The sample consisted of 615 parents from a region in the Basque Country, northern Spain. The average age of the parents was 43.81 years (SD = 5.03). Regarding gender, 53.1% (n = 327) identified as female, 46.6% (n = 286) as male, and 0.3% (n = 2) as non-binary.
The children’s ages ranged from 6–12 years, with a mean age of 9.14 years (SD = 1.65), and all of them were enrolled in primary education. In terms of gender distribution, 52.8% of the children were girls, 46.9% boys, and 0.3% non-binary.
Concerning smartphone ownership, 25.0% (n = 154) of families reported that their children had their own smartphone, while 67.5% (n = 415) allowed their children to use their parents’ smartphones. The remaining 7.5% (n = 46) indicated that their children did not use smartphones at all.
Regarding place of residence, 62.6% (n = 385) of participants lived in the same town of approximately 16,000 inhabitants, 14.5% (n = 89) resided in villages with between 1000 and 2000 inhabitants, and 22.9% (n = 141) lived in villages with fewer than 1000 inhabitants. This geographical distribution reflects a predominantly rural setting, with a significant concentration of participants in a town that, while not a city, provides urban services and plays a central role in the area. Thus, it can be described as a mixed urban-rural profile within the specific regional context.
Although the study did not collect specific data on family composition (e.g., single-parent households) or socioeconomic status, the region is characterized by a predominantly middle-class population, with access to digital technologies being widespread through both personal and family-owned devices
Regarding discussions about smartphone use within the family, 42.3% of families (n = 260) reported discussing it frequently, 36.3% (n = 223) occasionally, 15.8% (n = 97) very rarely, and 5.7% (n = 35) said they never discuss it.
Measures
The questionnaire was organized into two distinct sections. The first section asked participants to provide specific sociodemographic information relevant to the study. This included details such as their age, gender (with options for Women, Men, or Non-binary), their children’s age, school year, and whether the children had their own smartphone, used their parents’ smartphone, or did not use one at all. To conclude the quantitative portion, parents were asked to gauge how often they discussed smartphone use as a family from their children’s perspective (with options: A lot, Occasionally, Rarely, Never). This question was then directed at the children to minimize the influence of social desirability bias.
In the second section, which addressed the main research question, parents were asked, “Are you concerned about children’s use of smartphones? Why?” This question provided a large space for parents to express their thoughts freely. Their responses were later used as the foundation for further research.
The open-ended question (“Are you concerned about children’s use of smartphones? Why?”) was designed as an exploratory prompt, allowing parents to freely express their concerns and reflections. This approach follows qualitative research practices, where open-ended questions are used to capture participants’ own discourses without imposing predefined categories (Creswell & Poth, 2018). Although not derived from a validated scale, the question was intentionally broad to encourage the emergence of diverse and unforeseen perspectives. While this approach allowed us to capture a wide range of parental perspectives in a large sample, we acknowledge that it does not provide the same interpretive depth as qualitative interviews or focus groups. Future research could complement this exploratory phase with in-depth qualitative techniques to further investigate the underlying processes and meanings behind parental concerns.
Procedures
The University of the Basque Country’s ethical committee approved the study before data were collected (M10_2024_073). After receiving detailed information about the research protocols, each participant voluntarily consented to take part. Recruitment was conducted using snowball sampling, a non-probabilistic technique. The researchers developed an online questionnaire distributed to parents through their children’s schools.
The open-ended responses were analyzed applying a lexicometric analysis based on the Reinert method (Reinert, 1983), using the IRaMuTeQ software. Unlike traditional thematic analysis, which often requires researchers to define categories beforehand, this approach follows an inductive, data-driven process where themes emerge directly from the textual data based on statistical criteria.
Specifically, IRaMuTeQ performs a hierarchical descending classification analysis, which groups together text segments and words that co-occur with significant frequency and association. These groupings, known as lexical classes or lexical worlds, represent the main discourse structures present in the corpus. The classification is based on chi-square statistical tests, identifying which words and text segments are most representative of each class (Klein & Licata, 2003).
This method allows for an exploratory and systematic identification of discourse patterns, minimizing researcher bias in the categorization process. Therefore, the topics addressed in the Results section were not predetermined, but rather emerged from the actual discourses of the participants, providing an objective basis for the qualitative interpretation (Legorburu et al., 2022; Idoiaga et al., 2021). In this sense, the analysis aims to capture the diversity and structure of parental concerns regarding children’s smartphone use, as expressed spontaneously by the participants, rather than testing predefined hypotheses.
Following previous applications of the Reinert method (Camargo & Bousfield, 2009), the raw data were processed using Iramuteq. Key vocabulary items within each class were selected based on three specific criteria: (1) an expected word value greater than 3; (2) chi-square statistical evidence indicating a significant relationship with the class (χ2 ≥ 3.89, p = 0.05, df = 1); and (3) the word appearing predominantly within that class, with a frequency of 50% or higher.
The Reinert method employs a top-down hierarchical cluster analysis technique, which helps extract classes and statistical indicators such as representative words and text segments (Idoiaga & Belasko, 2019). Specifically, Iramuteq identifies words and text segments with the highest chi-square values, emphasizing those that most effectively represent each class or are more frequently mentioned by participants.
After identifying these “lexical worlds,” they were linked to “passive” variables (independent variables), such as the gender of the parents and children, school year, whether the children had their own smartphone, and the frequency of discussions within the family about smartphone use (A lot, Occasionally, Rarely, Never). The analyst then established a series of categories consisting of common words and text excerpts (quotations) with the highest chi-square values, which served as the basis for interpreting these categories as lexical worlds.
The Reinert method provides statistical, transparent, and reproducible data up to the point of interpretation, at which the analyst assigns labels. In the final stage, researchers systematically assigned titles to the groups of words and text excerpts organized by the software. Two researchers independently named each category based on associated words and quotations, with a third researcher finalizing a label that was approved by all three researchers.
IBM SPSS version 28 (Armonk, NY, USA) was utilized to analyze quantitative data.
Results
A lexicometric analysis of the open-ended responses was performed using the Reinert method through IRaMuTeQ. Several lexical classes were identified, each representing distinct discourse patterns related to parents’ concerns about children’s smartphone use.
These classes emerged inductively through a statistical classification process based on word co-occurrences and chi-square associations, without the imposition of predefined themes. In the following section, the main lexical worlds identified are presented, including descriptions of their key vocabulary, representative text segments, and their relevance to the overall discourse structure. Beyond presenting these statistical groupings, an interpretative reading of each lexical class has been included to contextualize and analyze the underlying meanings of parental concerns. This aims to provide a deeper understanding of how these discourses reflect broader family dynamics, educational challenges, and societal perceptions of children’s smartphone use.
Subsequently, a descending hierarchical analysis was applied to identify the principal parental concerns. Each concern is represented by a collection of characteristic words and text segments, referred to as a class. The analysis segmented the corpus into 572 text units, resulting in the identification of four distinct classes, as illustrated in Fig. 1. These classes are examined individually in the following sections.
Fig. 1
Hierarchical clustering dendrogram showing the most frequent words and those with the greatest association χ2 (1), p < 0.001 extracted by the Reinert method
As depicted in Fig. 1, the analysis generated six distinct classes. Five of these classes addressed concerns regarding children’s misuse of smartphones, while the final class reflected concerns about parental responsibility. Among the classes related to children’s misuse, three focus primarily on the personal impact or the direct effects on the children themselves. These are: “Problematic Use of Social Networks,” “Inappropriate Content and Types of Socialization,” and “Children’s Lack of Knowledge on Proper Use and Parental Unawareness of Access Points.” The remaining two classes pertain to the family or social impact: “Family Conflict Due to Excessive Smartphone Use” and “Children No Longer Play Outdoors; They Are Only on Their Smartphones.”
This classification shows that parents’ concerns are articulated around two interconnected dimensions: on one hand, the direct impact of smartphone use on children’s personal development (such as attention, social skills, and exposure to inappropriate content), and on the other, the consequences at a family and community level, particularly regarding relational dynamics and traditional forms of leisure. The emergence of these categories reflects how smartphone use is perceived not merely as an individual habit but as a phenomenon with broader social and educational implications. Parents’ discourses reveal a growing unease about how digital practices are reshaping not only children’s daily lives but also family routines and collective experiences, indicating an underlying tension between technological integration and the preservation of family and social cohesion.
Beginning with parents’ concerns about the misuse of smartphones by children, the first concept extracted from the hierarchical clustering dendrogram—within the personal impact category (22.31%)—is the potential for problematic use of social networks. This theme includes emotional, cognitive, and social risks, and was particularly prominent among families whose children do not yet own smartphones (p < 0.05) and among those who report limited communication about digital habits at home (p < 0.05).
Several responses reveal a strong perception that excessive or unsupervised use of social networks may lead to significant relational and emotional harm. As one mother expressed, “I am concerned, on the one hand, about the relational problems that can be generated by abusive use and lack of attention, and on the other hand, about the risks associated with social networks, misunderstandings, cyberbullying, and the spread of stereotypes” (Woman, daughter, 5th grade, χ2 = 513.95). This quotation illustrates how emotional vulnerability, online aggression, and social disconnection are perceived as deeply intertwined.
Other parents focus on the lack of self-regulation and awareness among children when navigating digital environments. One father noted: “I am worried because they do not control it at all and do not understand the risks of smartphones. It is very easy to reject or marginalize others and insult them with social networks, and their use harms the brain” (Man, daughter, 3rd grade, χ2 = 476.39). Here, the concern goes beyond behavior, highlighting perceived cognitive consequences and the potential erosion of empathy and emotional control.
This anxiety over cognitive impact is echoed in the brief but powerful statement: “I am afraid of the risks of using social networks and cognitive impairment from screen use” (Woman, daughter, 3rd grade, χ2 = 471.48). In this case, digital exposure is directly associated with developmental harm, particularly regarding concentration and information processing.
A further dimension of concern relates to the distortion of perception and reality. One parent emphasized: “I am concerned about the great influence that can be caused by the use of social networks and its consequences, such as having a distorted view of reality or addiction” (Man, son, 3rd grade, χ2 = 450.12). The idea that screen-based environments might alter children’s worldview or promote dependency appears as a recurrent theme, reflecting fears of long-term psychological impact.
Finally, some responses integrate multiple levels of concern—emotional, cognitive, behavioral, and physical. This is evident in the following comprehensive reflection: “I am concerned because it negatively affects the ability to maintain attention, impairs the capacity for human relationships, encourages sedentary lifestyles, and can impair the imagination. In addition, abusive use of social networks increases self-esteem problems and the intensity of bullying” (Man, son, 1st grade, χ2 = 513.95). This statement encapsulates the breadth of perceived risks and the belief that digital overuse can interfere with children’s holistic development.
Taken together, these quotations articulate a collective anxiety about the unregulated influence of social media on childhood. Parents describe these environments as amplifying vulnerability—through emotional instability, distorted thinking, loss of attention, and social exclusion. The emphasis placed on future risks, particularly by families whose children are not yet regular users, suggests a sense of uncertainty and lack of control. These insights reinforce the importance of equipping families with tools for critical digital literacy and fostering structured, open dialogue at home regarding smartphone use.
The second major concern voiced by parents—closely related to the first—centers on children’s exposure to inappropriate content and problematic digital socialization, a theme that emerged with a weight of 21.69%. This lexical class conveys the perception of smartphones as entry points into unregulated environments where children may access harmful material, fall into patterns of excessive use, or experience adverse social dynamics such as exclusion or bullying.
This concern appeared significantly more often among fathers (p < 0.01), among parents of daughters (p < 0.05), in families where the children do not yet own a smartphone (p < 0.05), and in households where conversations about smartphone use are infrequent (p < 0.05). These associations suggest that worries about inappropriate content and the risks of online interaction are shaped not only by children’s current practices, but also by the absence of protective dialogue or mediation at home.
Parental discourse frequently emphasized the mismatch between children’s developmental stage and the nature of online content. One mother stated, “I am worried because through smartphones, they can access content that is not appropriate for their age, or they can create or endure cyberbullying” (Woman, son, 5th grade, χ2 = 171.75). This dual concern—children as both victims and potential aggressors—underscores the anxiety surrounding their unsupervised participation in digital spaces.
Worries about addiction and isolation also appeared strongly, often interwoven with the fear of inappropriate exposure. As one father explained: “I am concerned about the dangers of social isolation, addiction, and misuse by accessing inappropriate content” (Man, daughter, 4th grade, χ2 = 161.04). The combination of content-based and behavioral risks signals an overall unease about children’s capacity to manage online experiences without harm.
Some responses pointed to the manipulative and unsafe nature of internet environments, as well as the lack of adequate filters or protections. A parent warned: “I am very worried because children on the internet can be deceived victims in many ways. In addition, the content they can access is often unsuitable and dangerous” (Man, daughter, 3rd grade, χ2 = 156.68). Here, the child’s vulnerability is portrayed as a structural problem—exposure to risk is not occasional but systemic.
Others emphasized more subtle but persistent consequences, such as the erosion of social cohesion or the risks of early digital traceability. One mother expressed concern about “the digital footprint they will leave behind, that they will see content that is not appropriate for their age, and that they will have problems with relationships between friends because of WhatsApp groups” (Woman, daughter, 5th grade, χ2 = 141.91). This quote introduces the long-term dimension of online exposure, including reputational consequences and peer conflict in mediated communication.
In some cases, these risks are described as normalised or even invisible due to the digital-by-default nature of children’s social lives. As one parent reflected: “It is worrying that socialization among them is exclusively digital with the misunderstandings that it has. It also worries me that they can’t concentrate on their learning because they are looking at their smartphones, and also that they can access inappropriate content or consume it without critical judgment” (Woman, son, 3rd grade, χ2 = 513.95). This testimony blends several themes—attention deficit, superficial interaction, exposure to harmful material—into a unified concern over the erosion of meaningful engagement, both educational and social.
This lexical class ultimately reflects a dual parental anxiety: on the one hand, the content itself—its inappropriateness, danger, and permanence—and on the other, the forms of socialization it fosters, which are perceived as shallow, exclusionary, or harmful. The strong association with fathers and families that do not engage in frequent conversations about digital use may point to a lack of active mediation, reinforcing a sense of helplessness in the face of rapidly evolving online cultures. Additionally, the frequent reference to cyberbullying and digital footprints highlights awareness of long-term risks beyond immediate harm.
These narratives align with broader societal anxieties about children’s digital safety and suggest an urgent need for comprehensive digital literacy programs that support both children and parents in developing critical, reflective, and responsible approaches to online engagement.
A third area of concern, thematically connected to the previous two and categorized under “concerns about misuse by children and its personal impact,” revolves around the belief that children lack the competence to use smartphones responsibly, and that parents cannot fully monitor the environments their children are accessing. This class emerged with a weight of 8.88% and reflects a discourse rooted in uncertainty, risk anticipation, and perceived lack of control.
This concern was voiced more frequently by families whose children do not yet have their own smartphones (p < 0.01) and by those who only occasionally engage in conversations about digital practices (p < 0.01), which suggests a preemptive or anticipatory anxiety about children’s future interactions with technology.
Parents often described situations in which neither adults nor children fully understand the scope of digital risks. As one father explained: “It worries me because we do not know where they are accessing, and they often don’t know either; that is, they think they are entering something that is not dangerous, but then it may be a dark area” (Man, daughter, 6th grade, χ2 = 405.79). The notion of “dark areas”—spaces within the internet that are obscure, unregulated, or harmful—captures the fear of invisible threats that elude parental supervision and surpass children’s judgment.
Another concern expressed is children’s lack of critical awareness regarding the consequences of their actions online. One mother stated: “It is worrying because they do not know how to use smartphones properly and do not know what harm can be done to them through it” (Woman, daughter, 6th grade, χ2 = 285.43). The perceived gap is not in technical ability but in understanding the impact of digital behavior, particularly in emotionally or socially charged contexts.
This idea is reinforced in reflections that distinguish between operational skill and digital literacy: “It worries me a lot because they do not really know how to use it. Even if it looks like they do at the executive level, they do not really see the risks of using it, or they do not have specific knowledge” (Woman, son, 4th grade, χ2 = 257.32). Here, the concern lies in the illusion of competence—children may appear fluent in using devices, but lack the depth of understanding required to evaluate or avoid online dangers.
The metaphor of the “dark areas” reappears in the statement: “I am concerned because mobiles also have dark areas, and you must know how to manage them” (Man, daughter, 1st grade, χ2 = 256.02). This reveals an underlying parental sense of helplessness, rooted in the belief that both children and adults are navigating a landscape that is not only vast and complex, but also opaque and full of moral and psychological traps.
Finally, some concerns focus on social dynamics within online spaces, particularly in platforms perceived as exclusive or conflict-prone. One mother commented: “It worries me because we do not know where they are going to surf the internet, i.e., which platform they are going to use. Also, WhatsApp groups are particularly rigid except for some students” (Woman, daughter, 2nd grade, χ2 = 249.92). This quote reflects how peer interactions in closed digital environments can generate discomfort, exclusion, or pressure—elements parents feel unable to mediate.
Together, these testimonies articulate a complex perception of children as technically capable but critically unprepared, navigating a digital world that parents themselves struggle to understand or control. The recurrence of uncertainty and hidden risk frames smartphones as tools of potential exposure rather than empowerment. These concerns point to a growing awareness that digital competence must go beyond knowing how to use a device: it must involve critical judgment, awareness of consequences, and the ability to manage risk.
In this light, the findings highlight the urgency of promoting intergenerational digital literacy, with educational approaches that foster dialogue, reflection, and co-learning between parents and children. Strengthening shared digital understanding within families can help reduce anxiety and reinforce children’s capacity to act safely and responsibly in online environments.
The second major category of concern regarding children’s misuse of smartphones centers on the impact within families and social environments. The first lexical class within this category, with a weight of 20.63%, reveals conflicts arising from excessive smartphone use at home. Parents describe situations in which screen time becomes a source of recurring tension, emotional exhaustion, and power struggles. These conflicts were significantly more common among families whose children own their own smartphones (p < 0.01) and who regularly discuss smartphone use at home (p < 0.01), suggesting that communication alone is not sufficient to resolve underlying tensions.
Parental narratives reflect a sense of frustration as children become absorbed in their devices, often losing track of time and reacting with resistance when boundaries are imposed. As one mother notes, “They can spend much time in front of the screen without realizing it, and when we want to take it away, they argue” (Woman, son, 4th grade, χ2 = 350.91). Others observe that digital engagement displaces typical childhood activities and contributes to emotional volatility: “They spend much time with screens; they watch videos that are very different from reality, they stop doing childish things because they are on their mobiles, and then they get angry if you tell them they have to stop using it” (Woman, daughter, 6th grade, χ2 = 249.92).
These dynamics frequently lead to ongoing disputes that affect household harmony. “They spend a lot of time looking at the screen and watching nonsense; at home, there is nothing but fights and fights to control it,” explains one parent (Woman, daughter, 5th grade, χ2 = 289.53). The problem is not only the volume of use, but also the content consumed—which parents often view as trivial, distorted, or misleading. One mother expresses this dual concern by stating: “They spend too much time without realizing it because they can access topics that are not appropriate for the child’s age. Yes, there are a lot of lies, myths, hoaxes, etc. And since they have a smartphone, managing their time leads to conflicts in the family; we cannot control them” (Woman, son, 6th grade, χ2 = 264.49).
Several parents also situate these challenges within a broader educational and value-based perspective, pointing to the absence of guidance on digital ethics and gender. As one mother puts it: “They spend too many hours in front of screens and miss the opportunity to do and learn many other things. In addition, the messages that are spread are not recommended in most cases; there is a lack of work with them on values and gender perspectives also on the internet, and there are other risks, such as harassment. Add to that the fights they have with us to manage the time of use because they would be there all day and all night” (Woman, son, 6th grade, χ2 = 239.05).
This lexical class portrays smartphones as disruptive forces within family life, undermining routines, interpersonal connection, and parental authority. The frequent conflicts reported—despite active family discussions—point to the limits of dialogue when not accompanied by concrete strategies. These findings call for parental support programs that go beyond technical mediation and include relational tools to navigate digital disagreements, such as emotional regulation, boundary-setting, and collaborative planning.
The second concern within this thematic block, with a weight of 18.60%, addresses the social impact of smartphone use, particularly the decline of outdoor play and face-to-face interaction among children. This concern expands the focus beyond the home, presenting it as a collective and cultural issue. It was significantly more frequent among families whose children already have their own devices (p < 0.01), suggesting that first-hand observation of these patterns may heighten awareness.
Parents describe a visible transformation in public spaces, where children are seen more absorbed in screens than engaged with one another. As one mother observes: “At weekends, I see more and more young children on the streets, instead of playing, immersed in their smartphones. Moreover, they can watch and do anything on the internet and some apps” (Woman, son, 4th grade, χ2 = 321.52). Others emphasize the loss of social connection, stating: “It worries me a lot because I see more and more children in the street with smartphones instead of playing. They are immersed in their smartphones and neither look at nor talk to each other. It also creates problems and gets them hooked” (Woman, daughter, 1st grade, χ2 = 211.23).
This concern is not just about distraction, but about a redefinition of what socialization looks like in childhood. “As a society, I am very concerned to see children sitting together in the street with their smartphones. Most of the time, they do not talk or play together because they are on their smartphones,” one parent explains (Woman, daughter, 1st grade, χ2 = 249.92). Another adds: “It worries me because I see many children in the street looking at their smartphones, many of them at their parents’ mobiles. They stop playing, talking, and doing other things so they do not bother their parents, but is that really what we want?” (Woman, son, 5th grade, χ2 = 198.84).
This critique points to intergenerational habits of smartphone dependence, beginning in early childhood and reinforced by adult modeling. Parents also highlight how this normalization of digital engagement is observable in any public setting: “We keep track of the hours the child uses it, but you only have to go to the street or in bars or shops, and you will see that children, from toddlers to teenagers, have their smartphones in their hands all day long” (Woman, son, 3rd grade, χ2 = 168.27). This perception culminates in a sense of cultural loss, as described in the following: “In the street, you see many young people sitting in a group, each with a smartphone. They do not talk to each other, they do not play, and they do not move. They are given a smartphone at a very young age, and at such a young age, they do not need it” (Woman, son, 1st grade, χ2 = 161.77).
This lexical class underscores a collective anxiety about the erosion of traditional childhood experiences, including play, movement, and direct peer interaction. Smartphones are seen not only as personal devices, but as agents of social disconnection and passivity. The framing of these concerns as widespread and visible in everyday life suggests a need for community-level responses, such as awareness campaigns, collective agreements on digital use in public spaces, and the promotion of shared, screen-free leisure activities.
Taken together, both lexical classes in this category point to a growing tension between the individual integration of smartphones into children’s lives and the broader consequences for family dynamics and social cohesion. These concerns highlight the importance of creating multi-level interventions that empower families to manage digital life proactively and support community efforts to reclaim physical, shared, and creative spaces for childhood.
The final theme raised by parents shifts the focus from children’s behaviors to their own role in regulating smartphone use, highlighting a discourse of parental responsibility, self-criticism, and perceived lack of control. This lexical class captures feelings of inadequacy, frustration, and social pressure, with parents recognizing both their individual limitations and the broader structural shortcomings that complicate effective mediation.
Many parents explicitly emphasized the importance of parental control tools, but also their limitations. One mother argued that “parental controls, where parents control the time and block the applications they do not want their children to access, are paramount at this age” (Woman, daughter, 5th grade, χ2 = 356.76). However, other parents questioned the efficacy of these tools and expressed concern about their reliability. As another parent reflected: “Besides, parental control is a joke; it is useless. There is a lack of regulation, legislation, protection, and information” (Woman, daughter, 6th grade, χ2 = 179.53). This quote reflects a sense of systemic inadequacy, in which technological solutions are perceived as symbolic rather than functional.
Some responses point to parental inaction or underestimation of risk. “I do not think we parents are aware of the damage that smartphones can do to our children. The effects are brutal, and colleagues who have older children have confirmed this to me” (Woman, daughter, 3rd grade, χ2 = 158.08). Here, the concern goes beyond individual misjudgment to suggest a collective failure to fully grasp the long-term impact of digital exposure.
This perceived failure is compounded by social pressure and the lack of collective consensus among parents. One mother explained: “I think it is very serious that there is no agreement between parents because although many adults are against the use of smartphones by minors, in some way, they feel pressured and end up giving a smartphone to their children so that fewer and fewer of us do not do it” (Woman, son, 2nd grade, χ2 = 192.42). The tension between individual convictions and collective practices fosters a normalization of early smartphone access, often justified as a way to avoid conflict or exclusion.
Other parents recognize this dilemma but still express doubts about their ability to intervene. One mother shared: “Of course, I would like parents to be much more cautious when giving them a smartphone. Despite the possibility of installing parental controls, the content they can consume can be positive but also very negative and can distort reality, for example” (Woman, son, 2nd grade, χ2 = 221.64). The acknowledgment of both potential benefits and risks reflects ambivalence and highlights the lack of clear guidance or standards for digital parenting.
The limitations are not only technical, but also relational and emotional. “It is worrying because, in most cases, its use is quite inappropriate. Also, parents do not pay enough attention to it, and children end up seeing and listening to what they want without any control” (Woman, son, 5th grade, χ2 = 194.60). Here, the perception of parental disengagement underscores a broader concern about inconsistent boundaries and passive regulation.
Uncertainty about how to manage children’s use also emerges in more personal testimonies. “I do not know how such a device can be controlled as I do not think there is much control by mothers in most cases” (Woman, daughter, 6th grade, χ2 = 203.62). This quote conveys not only doubt, but also gendered responsibility, hinting at the unequal distribution of digital supervision within families.
Finally, one father shared the practical dilemmas of resisting normative trends: “My oldest son’s friends, who are ten years old, have smartphones, and he does not yet. So, he uses the apps through our mobile and our contacts, and we have found that a ten-year-old cannot use them sensibly. Most parents would think the same if they analyzed it, but it is easier to give them the mobile and eliminate conflicts” (Man, son, 4th grade, χ2 = 154.63). This reflection highlights how convenience, peer pressure, and emotional fatigue often override ideal parenting intentions.
This lexical class reveals a shared perception of helplessness in a rapidly shifting digital landscape, where parents feel expected to respond to complex challenges without adequate support, tools, or consensus. Their testimonies expose a gap between awareness and action, shaped by external factors such as social norms, market-driven technology, and the absence of coordinated policies or educational resources.
These concerns underscore the need for multi-level interventions that address the individual, community, and institutional dimensions of digital parenting. Strengthening parental agency requires not only better technological tools and clearer regulations, but also accessible, practical educational initiatives that help families navigate digital life collaboratively. Moreover, fostering shared social responsibility—among schools, public institutions, and families—is essential to reduce the individual burden and move toward collective, coherent strategies for guiding children’s digital development.
Discussion
While concerns about children’s smartphone use are common across societies, they are shaped by local cultural and social contexts. In regions like the Basque Country, characterized by high digital connectivity but limited regulation, parental perceptions reflect how families navigate these challenges. This study analyzed the concerns expressed by parents of children aged 6–12, allowing them to articulate their views openly. The results reveal that parents perceive smartphone use as a complex phenomenon involving developmental, relational, and societal dimensions. These concerns are not isolated but illustrate a broader tension between technological advancement and traditional models of childhood, education, and family interaction.
First, it is worth noting that most concerns focus on children’s inappropriate use of smartphones. According to parental reports, this can lead to individual, familial, and societal issues. At the individual level, the primary concern for parents is that children may access inappropriate content and that socialization via smartphones may increase the likelihood of experiencing bullying or marginalization. Regarding the latter issue, digital socialization presents a significant challenge for contemporary society, as evidence suggests that cases of marginalization and bullying have increased and, notably, have extended beyond the temporal and spatial confines of the school context, occurring at any time and location through digital networks (Aboujaoude et al., 2015). This perception aligns with the growing body of research indicating that early and unsupervised access to social media platforms can amplify children’s exposure to peer aggression and social exclusion (Kowalski et al., 2019). Parents’ discourses reflect an awareness of these risks, yet also reveal a sense of vulnerability and lack of preparedness to effectively guide their children in digital environments. The concern is not only about content per se, but also about children’s insufficient critical literacy to navigate online interactions responsibly.
Consequently, based on parental concerns, it is evident that greater educational efforts are needed from society (Gaffney et al., 2019) and families to prevent such occurrences (Helfrich et al., 2020). The participating families acknowledge that they do not frequently discuss this issue within the home environment. This communication gap suggests a lack of digital parenting strategies, as technology evolves faster than families adapt. Promoting early and open dialogue is essential to empower parents in guiding their children’s online experiences.
Second, concerns regarding the consumption of inappropriate content, including but not limited to violent, sexist, or pornographic material, have been identified as a significant risk in this research, consistent with previous studies (Serra et al., 2021). It is noteworthy, however, that the parents of female participants express the greatest concern about this issue. Consequently, it would be necessary to conduct a more in-depth analysis, incorporating a gender perspective, of each category of inappropriate content and to examine potential differences in usage patterns or associated risks between male and female participants. This concern reflects the perception of girls as more vulnerable to online risks like harassment, explaining parents’ heightened anxiety. Addressing it requires both online safety measures and education that challenges gender stereotypes and promotes digital empowerment.
Parents also highlight the problematic use of social networks by children. They express concerns about excessive usage, with some fearing that children’s lives are becoming overly dependent on social media. This dependence may lead to a distorted perception of reality, where children develop a preference for the digital world over the real one (Bozzola et al., 2022). Such concerns are indicative of a deeper unease regarding children’s ability to differentiate between mediated and face-to-face interactions, raising questions about how digital environments are reshaping socialization processes during critical developmental stages (Alpugan, 2024). These fears highlight the need for media education programs that foster critical thinking and help children develop a balanced relationship with technology, integrating digital and offline experiences in a healthy manner.
Interestingly, these concerns about inappropriate content and problematic social media use are often expressed in families where smartphone use is rarely discussed. This may be because these worries are more common among families whose children do not yet own smartphones, resulting in less frequent conversations about the topic. However, it is crucial to recognize that children’s smartphone interaction typically begins long before they own one themselves (Braune‐Krickau et al., 2021; Park & Park, 2021), underscoring the importance of addressing these issues in advance. The lack of early dialogue within families may contribute to perpetuating a reactive rather than proactive approach to digital education. Encouraging anticipatory conversations about smartphone use could be key in fostering safer and more informed digital practices among children, even before they acquire personal devices.
An important pattern identified in this study is that parents of children without smartphones tend to express the greatest concerns. This may reflect a form of anticipatory anxiety, where perceived risks outweigh perceived benefits, influencing the decision to delay smartphone access. This aligns with research on parental mediation, particularly the distinction between active mediation—engaging in dialogue and co-use of technologies—and passive strategies, based on restriction or avoidance (Clark, 2011; Nikken & Schols, 2015). Our findings suggest that many families may struggle to shift from passive to active mediation, reinforcing the need for programs that support parents in developing proactive strategies for guiding their children’s digital experiences.
A related concern, particularly voiced by fathers, is the apprehension that children may lack the necessary skills to use mobile devices safely. There is a fear that children could be deceived or access inappropriate content without proper supervision. This issue highlights the need to reassess children’s digital literacy. Although they are often labeled as “digital natives,” this does not necessarily equate to competence in using mobile applications or engaging in social interactions on these platforms (Peng & Yu, 2022). While children may have technical skills, they often need guidance to fully understand the potential consequences of their actions (Helsper & Smahel, 2020). Interestingly, this concern is predominantly expressed by parents whose children do not yet own smartphones, and in these families, discussions about smartphone usage are only occasional. This finding suggests that there may be a disconnect between perceived and actual digital competencies among both parents and children. It underscores the need for intergenerational digital literacy initiatives that not only address technical abilities but also promote ethical and responsible online behavior. Such initiatives should involve parents as active agents in their children’s digital education, fostering a collaborative approach that bridges knowledge gaps and reinforces shared responsibility.
In contrast, parents of children who own smartphones are more focused on the family conflicts arising from smartphone use. These parents often describe the usage as addictive, noting that their children lose track of time and disconnect from reality—an observation supported by previous research (Fischer-Grote et al., 2019; Nakshine et al., 2022; Toh et al., 2019). Although these families report frequent discussions about smartphone use, these conversations often turn conflictive, marked by anger and nagging (Matthes et al., 2021; Yang & Zhang, 2021). Such a hostile environment is unlikely to be conducive to effective digital guidance, making it difficult to foster responsible smartphone use (Ndayambaje et al., 2020). Moreover, it is concerning that these family conflicts are so intense that they overshadow other critical issues, such as the risks associated with social media, exposure to inappropriate content, and challenges in socialization. This indicates that digital parenting strategies often become reactive, focused on managing conflict rather than fostering preventive dialogue and shared responsibility.
Additionally, parents of children who own smartphones increasingly recognize that this issue extends beyond individual households and has become a broader social problem (Fischer-Grote et al., 2021). Children have largely stopped playing outside, with younger ones often occupied with their parents’ smartphones (Park & Park, 2021) and older children spending time in groups without engaging in face-to-face interaction for extended periods (Verduyn et al., 2021). This societal shift is particularly alarming as it highlights a growing dependency among the younger generation. Preventing children and adolescents from engaging in traditional forms of interaction, socializing, playing, or even experiencing boredom could lead to significant issues in the near future (Van Velthoven et al., 2018; Yan, 2018). These discourses reflect not only a concern for individual habits but also for the erosion of essential developmental experiences linked to physical activity, creativity, and spontaneous social interaction, reinforcing the need for community-level interventions.
Finally, it is noteworthy that a significant part of parents’ concerns revolves around their own collective responsibility (Akter et al., 2022). Many parents acknowledge that they are not doing as much as they should (Matthes et al., 2021). They openly admit that purchasing a smartphone for their children is often driven more by social pressure than by a genuine belief that their children are ready for it or truly need it (Eutsler, 2018). As a result, they call for a broader consensus among parents, along with increased access to information, better protection, and stronger regulations. This highlights a perception of shared helplessness, where families feel individually responsible but structurally unsupported, pointing to the need for collective strategies that combine family education with regulatory frameworks.
This research has certain limitations that should be acknowledged. First, the study utilized a non-probabilistic sample and employed a cross-sectional design within a specific setting—the northern region of Spain. As a result, the findings may not be generalizable to other societies or contexts. Additionally, the study focuses on parents’ perceptions, but it would be valuable to explore which concerns are also shared by the children themselves. Furthermore, while the use of an online structured questionnaire with an open-ended question allowed for the collection of a broad range of discursive data from a large sample, we acknowledge that this approach does not offer the same depth of interpretive exploration as qualitative methods based on semi-structured interviews, focus groups, or participant observations. These methods might provide richer insights into the underlying reasons, processes, and contextual nuances behind parents’ concerns. Future research could benefit from incorporating complementary qualitative techniques to achieve a more detailed and interpretive understanding of family dynamics regarding smartphone use. Additionally, longitudinal studies would allow us to examine how these concerns evolve as children grow older and as digital practices change.
However, several practical implications can be drawn from this research. Although parents are widely aware of the main risks associated with children’s smartphone use, many families still do not discuss the issue. When they do, these conversations are often conflictual. It is, therefore, urgent to create opportunities for families to discuss smartphone use long before children have their own devices, starting as early as preschool age. For this to happen, families will need the necessary information and training, which they are actively seeking. Providing families with tools to regulate children’s smartphone use in a constructive and non-confrontational manner is also crucial. We are facing a problem that parents themselves describe as a global addiction, a problem that becomes especially pronounced when children own their own smartphones, but one that is cultivated much earlier and is already visible in public spaces where children are glued to screens instead of playing or developing socially, emotionally, or cognitively. It is also important that training programs address parents’ expressed concerns, such as those identified in this research, while also raising awareness of less recognized issues, such as the decline in children’s physical activity. Such programs should also aim to strengthen parental self-efficacy in digital education, transforming perceived helplessness into active engagement.
This study, therefore, underscores the need for strong collaboration between schools, institutions, and the broader community to manage the impact of smartphones on children’s daily lives and development. As described by the participants, this is a social issue where parents require support and regulation to ensure their children’s well-being. Policies should be designed to support families through accessible resources, clear guidelines, and coordinated actions that involve not only parents but also educational and social agents.
The concerns expressed by parents in this study illustrate the challenges of parenting in a rapidly evolving digital environment, where traditional models of guidance often fall short. Smartphones are perceived as amplifiers of pre-existing family and social tensions, making it essential to approach this phenomenon through comprehensive strategies that combine education, regulation, and community support. Future interventions should aim not only to address specific risks but also to empower families to adapt to these new dynamics with confidence and shared responsibility.
Compliance with Ethical Standards
Conflict of Interest
The authors declare no competing interests.
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