The sequelae of political violence: Assessing trauma, suffering and dislocation in the Peruvian highlands
Introduction
It is well established that war and armed conflict have been major causes of suffering, general ill health, and increased mortality rates throughout human history (Murray, King, Lopez, Tomijima, & Krug, 2002). In recent decades, the number of victims and survivors of traumatic events has significantly increased as war, armed conflict, and political upheaval engulf civilian populations worldwide (Pedersen, 2002), thus contributing to a lingering additional burden of disease, death and disability (Ghobarah et al., 2003, Gustafson et al., 2001, Roberts et al., 2001).
Until recently, insufficient attention had been paid to assessing the long term impact and additional burden of disease, death, and disability caused by political violence and wars amongst civilian populations in Latin America and the Caribbean, in spite of the widespread armed conflict and organised violence in the region (Pedersen, 1999). Many of the studies carried out in South and Central America have centred on the most direct consequences of the guerra sucia (dirty war), on families of the desaparecidos and victims of torture and/or survivors of atrocities committed by military dictatorships, such as the cases of Argentina and Chile in the 1970s and 1980s (Lira, 1991, Suarez Orozco, 1990, Suárez-Orozco, 1992). In countries like Guatemala, Nicaragua and El Salvador, studies were conducted to assess the short-term psychosocial impact of political violence among local, indigenous and refugee populations (see, for example, Dickson-Gomez, 2002, Garfield and Williams, 1989, Lundgren and Lang, 1989, Martin-Baró, 1989, Martín-Baró, 1990, Miller, 1996, Summerfield and Toser, 1991). Additionally, reports from Americas Watch and Physicians for Human Rights, 1991, Amnesty International, 2001, Amnesty International, 2004, Human Rights Watch, 1997, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR, 1997) and other governmental and nongovernmental agencies such as the Oficina de Derechos Humanos del Arzobispado in Guatemala (ODHAG, 1998), and more recently the Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación in Peru (CVR, 2003), have also documented the consequences of political violence, torture, and war in the civilian population of the region. In Peru, important contributions have been made over the last two decades (Coronel Aguirre, 2003, Degregori, 1985, Degregori, 1999, Degregori, 2003, Gorriti, 1990, Hernández, 1993, Manrique, 1995, Del Pino, 1999, Portocarrero, 1990, Raffo et al., 2004, Rodríguez Rabanal, 1995), illustrating the wide range of disciplinary approaches used by Peruvian researchers and scholars in addressing the issue of political violence and its consequences.
Section snippets
Background
The selected study area is situated in the Huanta province (northern Ayacucho), in a highland region of the Southern Central Peruvian Andes, with peaks ranging from 3300 to 4800 meters above sea level. Ayacucho was the epicentre of Shining Path, a radical Maoist guerilla movement that started its operations in 1980. In subsequent years, Shining Path would emerge as the most widespread and sustained subversive movement in the recent history of Peru, reputed to be one of the most violent
Methodology
The study was conducted between 2001 and 2003 using a mixed qualitative and quantitative approach.1 We derived our qualitative research strategy from a structural-semantic approach (Corin, Bibeau, Martin, & Laplante, 1990), which allowed us to closely examine the peoples'
Ethical issues
Informed consent was required from respondents prior to the survey questionnaire as well as interviewees. The consent given was verbal, and it was taped whenever possible. No written or signed forms were viable as most respondents were unable to read or write or refuse for fear to reveal their identity. Tapes were transcribed and translated into Spanish by the same research assistants doing interviews. Electronic files were pass-worded, encrypted and e-mailed for analysis. Individuals were
Limitations of the study
The original research design contemplated inclusion of a control group (of unexposed families and individuals) in the survey. Since violence and armed conflict were rampant across the region, we failed to find any sizable and comparable group unexposed to violence. This situation forced us to alter our original design and divide our survey population into two groups, of high and low degree of exposure to violence (see above the criteria used for this classification). The lack of a comparison
Results and discussion
In an effort to map out the experiences, emotions and local idioms of distress among the highland Quechua communities of Ayacucho, we adopted an emic–etic perspective: emic in so far as the ethnographer shared the same life experiences with our informants during the decade of extreme violence, thereby situating our analysis of emotions and idioms of distress within the culture; and etic in which we used professionally defined categories in ad hoc questionnaires, mostly aimed at measuring the
Conclusions
Over time, the nature of conflict and war has changed considerably, not only in terms of death toll and, social distress experienced, but also in type of illnesses and health outcomes in victims and survivors (Duffield, 1995, Pedersen, 2002, Young, 1995). Approaches to explaining or linking exposure to violence-related stressors with specific health outcomes have also changed, and differences are emerging among scientists about the cause–effect relationship between stressful events and
Implications of the study
The results of the study lead us to reflect critically on some of the theoretical basis and practical aspects of intervention strategies and rehabilitation programs, and on the social, political, and cultural contexts in which they are applied. There is a need to re-examine not only the short- but also the medium- and above all the long-term impact brought about by protracted armed conflict and organised violence, and the various forms of indigenous healing and coping, meant to help people
Acknowledgement
The authors would like to acknowledge the financial support received from the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation in early stages of field work and the Canadian Agency for International Development (CIDA/ACDI) for its generous and continuing support during the analysis and planned intervention phases. Also, we would like to thank the Douglas Hospital Research Centre—McGill University in Montreal, Canada, for their overall support and IPAZ (Instituto para la Paz y el Desarrollo de
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