A structural equation model of the relationship between body perception and self-esteem: Global physical self-concept as the mediator

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Abstract

Objectives

The purposes of this study were to investigate: (1) whether three subscale scores (i.e., body fat, appearance, and strength) and the global physical self-concept and global self-concept scores of the Physical Self-Description Questionnaire (PSDQ) are applicable to Chinese children; (2) whether there is a gender difference in these relationships; and (3) whether global physical self-concept acts as a mediator of global self-concept.

Design

A cross sectional study of Chinese children (45% girls, 55% boys) from low to middle class families were randomly recruited. Participants attended grades 3 through 6 at a standard urban primary school in Hong Kong. Children in this study represented a socioeconomically matched population from Hong Kong.

Method

320 Chinese children aged 7–12 years were recruited. The PSDQ was used to assess two global dimensions (global physical self-concept and global self-concept) and three specific dimensions (body fat, appearance, and strength) of self-worth. The children's version of the silhouette matching task (SMT) was adopted from Marsh and Roche [Marsh, H. W., & Roche, L. (1996). Predicting self-esteem from perceptions of actual and ideal ratings of body fatness: Is there only one ideal “supermodel”? Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport, 67, 13–26] to measure children's body perception.

Results

The factor structure of the modified PSDQ model was applicable in young Chinese children, regardless of their gender. Results of structural equation model (SEM) indicated that the model was acceptable. The structural paths of the model and the mediating effect of global physical self-concept on global self-concept were discussed.

Conclusion

The present study indicates that the physical self is an increasingly important correlate of self-esteem. It is particularly important relative to perceived self-presentation and social acceptance. Therefore, it is important to consider the impact of the physical self-concept on global self-concept from both cultural and worldwide perspectives.

Introduction

The terms self-concept and self-esteem are often used interchangeably (Shavelson, Hubner, & Stanton, 1976). However, in the context of this paper, it is important to distinguish between the two terms. Self-concept refers to the descriptors or labels that an individual attaches to him- or herself, often related to physical attributes, behavioral characteristics, and emotional qualities. Self-esteem refers to how a person perceives and evaluates him or her self within the context of experiences and the environment (Shavelson et al., 1976). It is different from self-concept in that it consists of qualitative judgments and feelings attached to a person's description of oneself.

Marsh and Roche (1996) extended the definition of global self-concept by proposing that it is a hierarchical, multi-dimensional, and global construct. Global self-concept is at the apex of the hierarchy, followed by second-order aspects of self-concept that are academic (e.g., Math, English) and non-academic (e.g., social, emotional, and physical). Physical self-concept can be global (e.g., a combination of health, coordination, physical activity, body fat, sports competence, appearance, strength, flexibility, and endurance scores) or specific (e.g., consisting of individual subscale scores) (Fox, 1997). This paper is designed to examine various aspects of physical self-worth relative to global self-concept in Chinese children.

Fox (1998) proposed that one's perception of his or her physical self is related to global self-concept. Sonstroem (1997) believed that when individuals experience a more favorable perception of themselves due to exercise participation, they feel better about themselves and maintain exercise behavior longer. Results of a meta-analysis by Spence, McGannon, and Poon (2005) demonstrated that over 60% of the studies reported significant and positive associations between global self-concept and physical activity involvement. The strong relationship between global self-concept and physical activity makes this an important area of study in exercise psychology.

Marsh and Roche (1996) extended the notion of global physical self-concept and included body fat, appearance, strength, and body ratings (actual vs. ideal) as significant correlates of global self-concept. Due to the cultural stigma associated with obesity or overweight status, it is logical that body fat is a strong correlate of global self-concept (Crandall, 1991; Harter (1985), Harter (1986); Marsh, 1990; Marsh & Roche, 1996). Related to body fat are self-rated appearance and body size (e.g., actual vs. ideal). Given the emphasis on the body beautiful in Western culture (Negrin, 2004), and the often inaccurate perception of actual vs. ideal body size in Western society (Conneely, 2004), it is important to consider both appearance and body rating as possible correlates of global self-concept. Strength is also related to global self-concept because individuals, particularly males, who feel stronger and more muscular report higher global self-concept (Smolak, 2006). Individuals who consider themselves strong may also feel more confident about being successful in exercise or physical activity settings (Cuddihy, Michaud-Thompson, & Jones, 2006).

In Western cultures such as the United States, United Kingdom, New Zealand, and Australia (Drummond, 2001; Dunton, Jamner, & Cooper, 2003; Fox, 1997; Marsh & Roche, 1996), correlates of global self-concept include global physical self-concept, body fat, appearance, body size, and strength. It is not clear whether these same correlates of global self-concept are evident in Eastern cultures (Sue, 1999). Because the prevalence of obesity in Asia is lower than that of most Western cultures, it is possible that correlates of global physical self-concept are different. However, obesity in Chinese cultures is continually rising (e.g., from 11% in 1993 to 18% in 2005) (Department of Health, 2005; Leung, 1993) and physical activity participation is low and frequently considered dispensable compared to other endeavors (Adab & Macfarlane, 1998; Guldan, Cheung, & Chui, 1998). It is worthwhile to compare global physical self-concept, body fat, appearance, body size (actual vs. ideal), and strength as correlates of global self-concept in Western and Eastern countries to determine whether the increased prevalence of obesity and globalization of society has influenced correlates of global self-concept in Eastern countries (Kowner, 2002).

When applying the existing correlates of global self-concept to the Chinese, two major cultural factors are worth considering. First, in traditional Chinese culture, “plump” is sometimes considered a desirable physique because it represents familial wealth and fame (Jing, 2000). Heavier Chinese individuals may have higher global self-concept and global physical self-concept than those who are underweight. A second concept worth considering is that Chinese men and women report lower global self-concept compared to their Western counterparts (Davis & Katzman, 1997).

In addition to examining the aforementioned relationships in adults, it is worthwhile to examine these correlates of global self-concept in children. It is possible that the relationship between global self-concept and global physical self-concept, body fat, appearance, body size, and strength is present in Chinese children, just as it exists in children from Western culture (Crocker, Snyder, Kowalski, & Hoar, 2000; Rees & Brandl-Bredenbeck, 1995). Interestingly, a recent study by Lau, Lee, Ransdell, Yu, and Sung (2004) demonstrated that the body size discrepancy rating of Chinese children was not predictive of global physical self-concept and global self-concept. These findings are contrary to previous findings with Western children and they imply that culture plays a key role in defining the relationship between body size rating and global physical self-concept or global self-concept.

Gender differences in the factors related to global self-concept are another area worthwhile of study. Given that the Chinese culture often celebrates male accomplishments above female accomplishments (Mjelde-Mossey & Walz, 2006) and that male and female ideals of beauty are often different (Furnham, Badmin, & Sneade, 2002), it is important to study gender differences in correlates of global self-concept.

Building upon the preliminary research of Lau et al. (2004), the researchers of the present study attempted to advance the aforementioned areas of research by employing structural equation modeling (SEM) to test the psychometrics of the Physical Self-Description Questionnaire (PSDQ) in Chinese children. Based on the previous findings of Marsh and Roche (1996), it is hypothesized that body fat, muscular strength, and appearance will have direct and indirect influences on global self-concept through global physical self-concept. Actual and ideal body shape ratings are expected to have an impact on global physical self-concept, thus they are used as predictors. Age is also used as a predictor here because in previous studies, global physical self-concept and global self-concept changed throughout a child's growth and development until young adulthood (Marsh, 1998).

Research questions for this study are: (1) Are the body fat, appearance, and strength subscales and global physical self-concept of the PSDQ applicable to 7–12 year old Chinese children? (2) Are there any structural and mean differences among the constructs between boys and girls? and (3) Does global physical self-concept mediate the effects of body fat, appearance, and strength on global self-concept?

Section snippets

Participants

In all, 320 Chinese children (45% girls, 55% boys) aged 7–12 years from low to middle class families were recruited as participants. Participants attended grades 3 through 6 at a standard urban primary school in Hong Kong. Children in this study represented a socio-economically matched population from Hong Kong. Specifically, the majority of the children lived in government estates, had free time after school for activities, and benefited from good financial support from their families (Hong

Descriptive statistics

Table 1 shows the correlation matrix and the descriptive statistics of the variables.

Table 2 presents the means and standard deviations of the variables separated by gender groups.

Baseline model (invariance of factor form)

The original five-factor model containing global self-concept, global physical self-concept, body fat, appearance, and strength did not fit the data in boys and girls (χ(908)2=1829.39, p<.001, RMSEA=.084, CFI=.89, and IFI=.89). This lack of fit suggested that the model (invariance of factor form) did not fit

Invariance of factor form and loadings

The first research question asked: “Are the body fat, appearance, and strength subscales and global physical self-concept of the PSDQ applicable to 7–12 year old Chinese children?” Based upon the results of the modified model and resulting factor form, factor loadings, factor covariance matrices, and error variance matrices, the factor structure of the three subscales of global physical self-concept, global physical self-concept, and global self-concept are deemed useful and applicable in young

Conclusions and future directions

The factor structure of the modified PSDQ model was applicable in young Chinese children, regardless of gender. These findings extend previously established theories and models related to global self-concept to the Chinese culture. From previous studies, Lau et al. (2004) demonstrated that the body size discrepancy rating of Chinese children was not predictive of global self-concept and global physical self-concept. They also showed that the appearance, strength, health, and body fat subscale

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