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Is socially prescribed perfectionism veridical? A new take on the stressfulness of perfectionism

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2017.01.031Get rights and content

Highlights

  • Examined perfectionism, neuroticism, and stress in 312 targets and 1014 influences

  • In targets, socially prescribed perfectionism (SPP) was related to perceived stress.

  • Influences' other-oriented perfectionism (OOP) was related to the targets' SPP.

  • Path analysis revealed influence's OOP indirectly affects target's stress via target's SPP.

  • New light is shed on whether SPP is veridical.

Abstract

Socially prescribed perfectionists play an active role in creating stress through a process known as stress generation. Extensive evidence also suggests that stress among socially prescribed perfectionists stems from perceived external pressures to be perfect. However, the degree to which these sensed outside pressures reflect real or imagined demands is unclear. In particular, does having other-oriented perfectionists in one's social network lead to greater socially prescribed perfectionism and stress? To address this, we recruited 312 undergraduates (targets) and 1,014 members of their social networks (influencers). Targets completed measures of self-oriented perfectionism, socially prescribed perfectionism, stress, and neuroticism. Influencers completed a measure of other-oriented perfectionism. As expected, the relationship between other-oriented perfectionism in influencers and self-oriented perfectionism in targets was not significant. However, as anticipated, path analysis revealed that influencers' other-oriented perfectionism contributed to targets' socially prescribed perfectionism, which in turn contributed to targets' stress, even after controlling for targets' neuroticism. Findings underscore the importance of considering the veridical aspects of socially prescribed perfectionism, as well as continuing to investigate the potentially deleterious consequences of having other-oriented perfectionists in one's social network.

Introduction

Hewitt and Flett (1991) assert perfectionism is best understood as a multidimensional personality trait composed of three dimensions: self-oriented perfectionism (demanding perfection from oneself), other-oriented perfectionism (demanding perfection from others), and socially prescribed perfectionism (perceiving others are demanding perfection of oneself). Self-oriented perfectionism is double-edged. On the one hand, self-oriented perfectionism is associated with positive characteristics such as conscientiousness (Stoeber, Corr, Smith, & Saklofske, in press). On the other hand, self-oriented perfectionism places people at risk for increased depressive symptoms over time (Smith, Sherry, Rnic, et al., 2016).

Other-oriented perfectionism is similarly double-edged and displays positive associations with grandiose narcissism, Machiavellianism, psychopathy, and aggressive humor and negative associations with pro-social orientations (Smith et al., 2016, Stoeber, 2014, Stoeber, 2015). Nonetheless, other-oriented perfectionism is also tied to lower burnout (Childs & Stoeber, 2010), superior problem solving (Flett, Hewitt, Blankstein, Solnik, & Van Brunschot, 1996), and positive self-regard (Stoeber, 2015).

Finally, socially prescribed perfectionism shows strong and consistent associations with indicators of psychological maladjustment (Hewitt & Flett, 2002). Compared to other-oriented perfectionists, socially prescribed perfectionists have lower self-esteem and higher vulnerable narcissism (Smith et al., 2016, Stoeber, 2015). And, unlike other-oriented perfectionists, socially prescribed perfectionists think, feel, and behave in ways that generate stress, which in turn increases vulnerability to clinical conditions such as depression and eating disorders (Hewitt and Flett, 1993, Hewitt and Flett, 2002). For instance, socially prescribed perfectionists generate stress due to both internal factors such as negative social cognitions, and external factors such as negative life events (Besser et al., 2008, Dunkley et al., 2003, Hewitt and Flett, 2002, Sherry et al., 2008).

Yet, whether socially prescribed perfectionists generate stress due to real or imagined demands to be perfect remains unclear. In particular, might other-oriented perfectionists lead others to legitimately perceive outside pressures to be perfect, which in turn generates stress? And might the relationship between socially prescribed perfectionism and stress merely be an artifact stemming from overlap with the dispositional tendency to experience negative emotional states (i.e., neuroticism)?

We sought to clarify the relationships between other-oriented perfectionism in influencers and socially prescribed perfectionism and perceived stress in targets. We anticipated other-oriented perfectionism in members of targets' social network would predict targets' socially prescribed perfectionism, but not targets' self-oriented perfectionism. We also anticipated that targets' socially prescribed perfectionism would correlate positively with targets' perceived stress. Furthermore, we expected that influencers' other-oriented perfectionism would indirectly affect targets' perceived stress through targets' socially prescribed perfectionism. Finally, we anticipated that the socially prescribed perfectionism-stress relationship is not simply secondary to overlap with neuroticism. Controlling for neuroticism, when examining the socially prescribed perfectionism-stress relationship is important, given that neuroticism overlaps substantially with both socially prescribed perfectionism and stress (Enns et al., 2005, Smith et al., 2016).

Section snippets

Participants

A sample of undergraduates was recruited from a large university in Eastern Canada (N = 312; 247 women). Participants averaged 20.2 years of age (SD = 3.6) and were primarily of European descent (69.6%). We call these participants targets. Additionally, 1680 members of the targets' social networks were contacted to participate; we call these participants influencers. Of the 1680 influencers contacted, 1014 (647 women) participated (60.4%). On average, there were 3.0 (SD = 1.5) influencers per target.

Descriptive statistics

Means, standard deviations, Cronbach's alpha, and bivariate correlations are in Table 1. Following Cohen's (1992) guidelines for small, medium, and large effect sizes (r = .10, .30, .50, respectively), influencers' other-oriented perfectionism displayed a small positive association with targets' socially prescribed perfectionism. And targets' socially prescribed perfectionism displayed a moderate positive relationship with targets' perceived stress. Likewise, targets' neuroticism displayed a

Discussion

Our study is the first to consider the role of other-oriented perfectionism in one's social network in contributing to the link between socially prescribed perfectionism and perceived stress. Preliminarily, findings suggest socially prescribed perfectionism is, to a small extent, veridical. In particular, results suggest that having other-oriented perfectionism in one's social network is tied to feelings of pressure to be perfect which, in turn, is associated with increased stress.

Concluding remarks

Our findings suggest self-oriented perfectionism and socially prescribed perfectionism have distinct interpersonal precipitants, with only socially prescribed perfectionism being tied to proximity to other-oriented perfectionists. Moving forward, we encourage researchers to consider that socially prescribed perfectionism is, to a small extent, veridical and to further investigate the potentially deleterious consequences of having other-oriented perfectionists in one's social network.

Acknowledgements

Preparation of this manuscript was supported by Canada Graduate Scholarship from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (752-2016-2229) awarded to Martin M. Smith. The funding source had no involvement in research design, data collection, or manuscript preparation.

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