Achievement goal orientations and academic well-being across the transition to upper secondary education

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Abstract

The aim of this study was to examine students' (N = 579) achievement goal orientation profiles, the temporal stability of these profiles across the transition to upper secondary education, and profile differences in academic well-being (i.e., school value, school burnout, schoolwork engagement, satisfaction with educational choice). By means of latent profile analysis, four groups of students with distinct motivational profiles were identified: indifferent, success-oriented, mastery-oriented, and avoidance-oriented. Motivational profiles were relatively stable across the transition; half of the students displayed identical profiles over time and most of the changes in the group memberships were directed towards neighboring groups. Regarding group differences, indifferent and avoidance-oriented students showed less adaptive patterns of motivation and academic well-being than did mastery- and success-oriented students. Both mastery- and success-oriented students were highly engaged in studying and found their schoolwork meaningful, although success-oriented students' stronger concerns with performance seemed to make them more vulnerable to school burnout.

Highlights

► Developmental dynamics between motivation and academic well-being explored. ► Four groups of students with different achievement goal orientation profiles found. ► Students' motivational profiles relatively stable across an educational transition. ► Profiles associated with different patterns of academic well-being. ► Success-oriented students highly engaged but susceptible to exhaustion at school.

Introduction

Educational transitions can be a risk factor for students' academic motivation and well-being. They have been often associated with negative outcomes such as decreased academic value and interest, decreased mastery goals, increased stress, and lower academic achievement (Anderman and Anderman, 1999, Isakson and Jarvis, 1999, Roeser et al., 1999, Rudolph et al., 2001, Wigfield et al., 2006). The fit between the person (student) and the environment (school) is a crucial factor affecting student's school adjustment and well-being during an educational transition. As parallel changes are occurring in both the individual and the context (see Eccles & Roeser, 2009), the stage-environment fit (Eccles & Midgley, 1989) is unbalanced and repeatedly reassessed. However, only some of the students seem to encounter adjustment problems and declining motivation, while others go through this phase without these problems (Ratelle et al., 2004, Roeser et al., 1999). Students' well-being is associated with the goals they pursue in achievement situations, that is, goals related to self-improvement and growth are associated with better socio-emotional functioning and more positive self-evaluations, whereas goals related to validating and demonstrating competence are more linked with adjustment problems and socio-emotional vulnerability (e.g., Daniels et al., 2008, Dykman, 1998, Kaplan and Maehr, 1999, Tuominen-Soini et al., 2008). Grounding on these findings, we sought to expand prior research by examining the longitudinal stability and changes in secondary school students' achievement goal orientations and academic well-being during an educational transition. Using a longitudinal person-centered approach, we examined whether students' motivational profiles and possible change in those profiles moderated the influence of educational transition on students' academic well-being.

A prominent area in the study of student motivation over the past several decades has been achievement goal research (see Kaplan and Maehr, 2007, Urdan, 1997). Originally, the central distinction drawn by achievement goal theorists was between mastery and performance goals (Ames, 1992, Dweck, 1986, Nicholls, 1989), but later research has expanded this dichotomous scheme by describing other goals related to achievement behavior. A mastery goal refers to a striving to learn, understand, and improve skills based on an intrapersonal evaluative standard, while a performance goal is seen as a striving to outperform others and appear competent based on an interpersonal standard. Nicholls and his colleagues (Nicholls et al., 1985, Nolen, 1988) identified another class of goal, namely work-avoidant goals, which refer to avoiding challenging tasks, putting forth as little effort as possible and trying to get away with it.

Elliot and Harackiewicz (1996) argued that the nature and function of performance goals would be more accurately understood if they were further differentiated into separate approach and avoidance components. Accordingly, performance-approach goals are directed at demonstrating competence, while performance-avoidance goals are directed at avoiding the demonstration of incompetence (Elliot & Harackiewicz, 1996; see also Murayama et al., 2011, Skaalvik, 1997). Unlike work avoidance goals, which refer to the aim of avoiding school-related work altogether, performance-avoidance goals reflect the aim of avoiding signs of incompetence.

Recently, it has been suggested that also mastery goals could be separated into approach and avoidance forms–avoidance mastery orientation referring to avoiding misunderstanding and not mastering the task (Elliot and McGregor, 2001, Pintrich, 2000; see also Elliot, Murayama, & Pekrun, 2011). Other mastery-related nuances include mastery-extrinsic goals (Niemivirta, 2002b) and outcome goals (Grant & Dweck, 2003). The mastery-extrinsic goals refer to the tendency of relying on external criteria such as grades or explicit feedback when evaluating whether one has attained the given goal of mastering a subject or learning a new thing (Niemivirta, 2002b). Students holding this tendency seek to master school subjects and they focus on absolute success (i.e., getting good grades) instead of relative success (i.e., outperforming others), not necessarily due to its instrumental value, but rather due to the fact that from their viewpoint good grades imply mastery and learning. In other words, mastery-extrinsic orientation emphasizes achievement but not competition (see also Brophy, 2005).

Despite the general consensus, some notable differences exist in how achievement goals have been conceptualized and operationalized. Basically, research seems to follow two approaches: one that looks at the dispositions (i.e., achievement goal orientations) that are likely to predict goal choices, and the other that places more emphasis on the situation- and task-specific nature of particular goals (see Kaplan and Maehr, 2007, Urdan, 1997). The present study builds on the former, a conception already put forward by Nicholls (1989) and Dweck (1986), and defines achievement goal orientation as a disposition that reflects students' generalized tendencies to select certain goals and favor certain outcomes in an achievement context (Niemivirta, 2002b; see also Tuominen-Soini et al., 2008, Tuominen-Soini et al., 2011).

The multiple goals perspective (Pintrich, 2000; see also Niemivirta, 2002b, Seifert, 1996, Tuominen-Soini et al., 2008, Tuominen-Soini et al., 2011) states that students can and do pursue multiple goals simultaneously in school settings. Echoing this perspective, we deem that individuals' goal preferences can be described in terms of several dimensions that all students share (i.e., all different classes of goals or types of orientations), but which vary in terms of individual importance or weight. Thus, the relative emphasis on one or more of them becomes more relevant than an individual dimension (cf., Dweck, 1996). Although some debate exists regarding which combination of goals or goal orientations leads to the most adaptive outcomes, it is generally accepted that students oriented towards learning and understanding (e.g., learning-oriented students, Niemivirta, 2002b, Tapola and Niemivirta, 2008, Turner et al., 1998; mastery-oriented students, Roeser et al., 2002, Seifert, 1996) show a more adaptive pattern of motivation and achievement than those weakly oriented towards mastery. With respect to the simultaneous emphasis on both mastery and performance tendencies (e.g., multiple goals cluster, Daniels et al., 2008; success-oriented students, Tuominen-Soini et al., 2008, Tuominen-Soini et al., 2011, Turner et al., 1998; approach group, Luo, Paris, Hogan, & Luo, 2011), the findings are twofold. Some studies show that students inclined towards both mastery and performance use more cognitive strategies and obtain better academic performance than high-mastery/low-performance students (Bouffard et al., 1995, Harackiewicz et al., 2002, Pintrich, 2000), while some other studies demonstrate that students endorsing dominantly mastery goals display the most adaptive pattern of motivation and achievement (Meece and Holt, 1993, Roeser et al., 2002, Turner et al., 1998). The latter findings suggest that strivings towards performance and success might, even in the presence of mastery strivings, entail some unfavorable outcomes, such as anxiety and vulnerability to emotional distress (Daniels et al., 2008, Tuominen-Soini et al., 2008). Research also shows that students who are only slightly preoccupied with both mastery and performance (e.g., low-mastery/low-performance group, Bouffard et al., 1995, Pintrich, 2000; low-motivation cluster, Daniels et al., 2008; indifferent students, Tuominen-Soini et al., 2008, Tuominen-Soini et al., 2011; uncommitted students, Turner et al., 1998) or who emphasize mainly avoidance tendencies (e.g., avoidance-oriented students, Tapola and Niemivirta, 2008, Tuominen-Soini et al., 2011, Turner et al., 1998) have the least adaptive profile in terms of motivation and learning.

Relatively few empirical studies have explicitly investigated the longitudinal stability of either goals or goal orientations (see, however, Fryer and Elliot, 2007, Muis and Edwards, 2009, Tuominen-Soini et al., 2011). Further, even fewer studies have examined the development of achievement goal orientations across educational transitions. The existing results concerning goal stability are diverse. On one hand, studies evidence moderate to high stability (i.e., stability indexed by a correlation between two measurement points) in students' achievement goals or goal orientations between school years (e.g., Meece and Miller, 2001, Middleton et al., 2004, Tuominen-Soini et al., 2011) and even moderate stability in goal orientations across an educational transition (Anderman and Anderman, 1999, Anderman and Midgley, 1997). On the other hand, the presence of moderate to high rank-order stability does not exclude the possibility of mean level changes even within the same samples, and, accordingly, research has also suggested that achievement goal endorsement varies over time.

Studies investigating goal stability across educational transitions suggest that mastery goals are strongly endorsed in elementary school, but that, after the transition to middle school, students become less oriented towards mastery goals (Anderman and Anderman, 1999, Anderman and Midgley, 1997, Shim et al., 2008). In contrast, performance goals have shown to increase (Anderman & Anderman, 1999) or remain stable (Anderman & Midgley, 1997) during the transition to middle school. Differentiating performance orientation into separate approach and avoidance components, Shim et al. (2008) found that mastery, performance-approach, and performance-avoidance goals all declined during the middle school transition; however, the major source of the overall decline was within year (i.e., from fall to spring in both sixth and seventh grades), not between years (i.e., from spring of sixth grade to fall of seventh grade). Hence, they concluded that moving into a new, larger school environment does not necessarily lead to dramatic shifts in level of goals. Less is known about the developmental shifts in work avoidance goals during educational transitions, but some evidence exists about these shifts within and between school years, suggesting that the endorsement of these goals remains moderately stable over time (Chouinard and Roy, 2008, Tuominen-Soini et al., 2011).

More generally, studies have revealed that educational transitions are a risk factor for academic motivation as they are often associated with negative effects, such as decreased academic value and interest, lower academic achievement, diminished feelings of competence, and increased stress (Isakson and Jarvis, 1999, Roeser et al., 1999, Rudolph et al., 2001, Wigfield et al., 2006). Then again, not all students experience the declining motivation. The risk appears to be higher among students, who perceive low ability, are poorly adjusted, and are in competitive classrooms (Anderman et al., 1999, Fredricks and Eccles, 2002, Roeser et al., 1999). It has been suggested that the undermining of motivation is most pronounced right after the transition and tends to continue thereafter (Wigfield & Eccles, 2000). According to the stage-environment fit theory (Eccles & Midgley, 1989), this might be due to the fact that many of the changes associated with educational transitions are at odds with the developmental needs of adolescents (e.g., increased emphasis on grades and competition, declines in adolescents' perception of emotional support from teachers and sense of belonging in their classrooms). If schools do not provide developmentally appropriate educational environments for adolescents, they do not offer the kind of social context that would continue to motivate students' interest and engagement and, consequently, negative developmental changes may result. Negative developmental fit may lead to alienation from school and cynicism, but, in case the context fits well with students' interests, goals, and psychological needs, the end result should be high engagement, adaptive motivation, and well-being (Eccles and Midgley, 1989, Salmela-Aro et al., 2008).

A straightforward interpretation of the results concerning goal stability is difficult due to the several sources of conceptual and empirical variation found in the research (see Kaplan & Maehr, 2007). For example, if the dispositional view of achievement goal orientations is emphasized, one would expect relative stability in students' goal orientations, but when the focus is on situation- and task-specific goals, the role and meaning of stability is less clear. In addition to different conceptualizations and operationalizations, also the educational contexts alter, the intervals between the measurement points differ, and the age of participants varies across studies. Also, most studies deploy a variable-centered approach, which might mask important individual patterns of achievement goal orientations among subgroups of individuals. Accordingly, there is a lack of research examining the individual development of achievement goal orientations, especially across educational transitions.

Dweck (1986) previously suggested that the endorsement of certain goals is likely to be associated with different patterns of coping and emotion. She found that students who adopted performance goals tended to manifest a helpless pattern of responses when they encountered failure. These students were characterized by disengagement from the task, negative self-evaluations, and negative affect. In contrast, mastery-oriented students pursued learning goals and were characterized by engagement with the task, optimistic orientation, and positive affect (see also Boekaerts, 1993).

Also, later research has consistently showed that students' focus on mastery and learning is associated with various positive and adaptive patterns of coping and affect. For example, mastery goals have been linked with experiencing pleasant emotions (e.g., enjoyment of learning, pride, positive affect) and being less likely to experience debilitating emotions (e.g., boredom, anger, negative affect) (Daniels et al., 2008, Kaplan and Maehr, 1999, Linnenbrink, 2005, Pekrun et al., 2006, Roeser et al., 2002, Turner et al., 1998), and displaying high level of self-esteem and low levels of depressive symptoms and anxiety (Daniels et al., 2008, Dykman, 1998, Sideridis, 2005, Skaalvik, 1997, Tuominen-Soini et al., 2008). Mastery-extrinsic goals, in turn, seem to be associated with some adaptive patterns of coping and behavior (e.g., self-esteem, commitment, effort) and some signs of psychological distress (e.g., stress, fear of failure) (Niemivirta, 2002b, Tuominen-Soini et al., 2008, Tuominen-Soini et al., 2011).

The findings concerning performance goals have been more mixed. Many studies suggest that endorsing performance goals is associated with lower levels of psychological well-being when compared to pursuing mastery goals (Daniels et al., 2008, Dykman, 1998, Kaplan and Maehr, 1999). For example, performance-approach goals have been associated with test anxiety (Daniels et al., 2008, Linnenbrink, 2005), negative affect (Smith et al., 2002, Turner et al., 1998), and stress (Smith et al., 2002, Tuominen-Soini et al., 2008). However, some studies suggest that performance-approach goals are not that maladaptive with respect to well-being; they have been associated positively with feelings of pride (Pekrun et al., 2006) and negatively with anxiety and depression (Sideridis, 2005). Performance-avoidance goals have been systematically linked with maladaptive outcomes, such as hopelessness and shame (Pekrun et al., 2006), anxiety, depressive symptoms, stress, lower self-esteem (Sideridis, 2005, Skaalvik, 1997, Smith et al., 2002, Tuominen-Soini et al., 2008), feelings of sadness, and internalizing and externalizing problems (Roeser et al., 2002). It seems that even though performance goals may be beneficial for cognitive engagement and achievement, they come at a cost. Work avoidance goals have been studied less, but they have been consistently associated with passivity and other negative outcomes, such as anxiety and lower self-esteem (Skaalvik, 1997).

Following a multiple goals perspective, Pintrich (2000) found that those in the high mastery and high performance goals category showed the highest levels of positive affect, whereas those characterized by high performance and low mastery reported less positive affect. This suggests that performance goals may undermine positive affect unless paired with mastery goals. Also, Daniels et al. (2008) found that students who endorsed mastery goals, either on their own or with performance goals, experienced greater enjoyment and less boredom compared to students endorsing predominantly performance goals. Further, students who pursued performance goals, even in combination with mastery goals, were more susceptible to anxiety than those who focused primarily on mastery goals or were low on both goals (Daniels et al., 2008). Similarly, Tuominen-Soini et al. (2008) found that, compared to students without strong performance tendencies (mastery-oriented students), students holding performance tendencies along with strivings toward mastery (success-oriented students) were more susceptible to psychological distress despite their apparently positive motivational profile, high commitment, and excellent academic achievement. Students aiming mainly at effort reduction (avoidance-oriented students) showed the most maladaptive pattern of motivation and well-being.

In the present study, taking into account the centrality of school in the lives of adolescents (Eccles & Roeser, 2009), well-being is defined in relation to the school context. Both negative and positive aspects of academic well-being are examined and, consequently, we focus on school value, school burnout, and schoolwork engagement, which we consider to be central indicators of well-being at school. Following Eccles' and her colleagues' work on task value (e.g., Eccles et al., 1983, Wigfield and Eccles, 2000), school value is defined as the perceived meaningfulness of schooling in general. The constructs of attainment value, intrinsic value, and utility value are used to reflect school value (Niemivirta, 2004). In several studies, students' mastery goals and task values have been found to relate positively to one another in different academic domains (e.g., Bråten and Olaussen, 2005, Wolters et al., 1996). A study employing a broader set of achievement goal orientations, suggested that general school value was associated positively with both mastery-intrinsic and mastery-extrinsic orientations and negatively with performance-avoidance and avoidance orientations (Tuominen-Soini et al., 2008).

School burnout is defined as consisting of exhaustion due to school demands, cynical and detached attitude toward one's school, and feelings of inadequacy as a student (Salmela-Aro, Kiuru, Leskinen, & Nurmi, 2009). Emotional exhaustion and cynicism are initial predictors of feelings of inadequacy (Parker & Salmela-Aro, 2011). A study investigating students' achievement goal orientations and school burnout (Tuominen-Soini et al., 2008) suggested that all performance-focused tendencies (i.e., performance-approach, performance-avoidance, and mastery-extrinsic orientations) were associated with exhaustion. Mastery-intrinsic and mastery-extrinsic orientations were negatively associated and performance-avoidance and avoidance orientations were positively associated with cynicism and inadequacy. When looking at motivational profiles, success-oriented students reported more exhaustion and feelings of inadequacy than mastery-oriented students.

Schoolwork engagement is defined as a positive, fulfilling, study-related state of mind that is characterized by vigor, dedication, and absorption (Salmela-Aro & Upadyaya, 2012). Vigor refers to high levels of energy and mental resilience while studying, the willingness to invest effort in one's schoolwork, and persistence also in the face of difficulties. Dedication is characterized by a sense of significance, enthusiasm, inspiration, pride, and challenge in relation to schoolwork. Absorption is characterized by being fully concentrated and happily engrossed in one's schoolwork, whereby time passes quickly and one has difficulties with detaching oneself from schoolwork. In prior research, achievement goal orientations have not been studied in relation to this particular theoretical framework, but goal theorists have commonly argued that a mastery orientation sustains school engagement better than does a performance orientation (e.g., Gonida et al., 2009, Midgley, 2002).

Section snippets

The present study

Despite the extensive research on achievement goal orientations, there are several limitations, which the present study aims to complement. First, since there are varying results concerning the stability and change in achievement goal orientations and since there is a lack of knowledge on the development of achievement goal orientations during educational transitions, the present study used a longitudinal design and examined the issue of goal stability during the upper secondary transition.

Context

In Finland, the comprehensive school is a nine-year compulsory general schooling for all children aged 7–16. After completing compulsory schooling, young Finns face an important choice: whether to continue in general education, that is, general upper secondary school or to apply for vocational upper secondary education. In the year 2004, 54% of completers of comprehensive school opted for the general upper secondary school and 38.5% for the vocational school, while 2.5% remained in the

Structural stability of achievement goal orientations

A model for the subsequent invariance analyses1

Discussion

Our results demonstrate that students display various patterns of achievement goal orientations at the end of comprehensive school and during the transition to upper secondary education, that these patterns are relatively stable across the transition, and that these patterns are associated in meaningful ways with students' academic well-being. In identifying students' achievement goal orientation profiles, we found, as anticipated and consistent with prior research (Niemivirta, 2002b,

Acknowledgments

The first author has a doctoral student position at the Finnish Doctoral Programme in Education and Learning. This research was supported by a grant from the Finnish Cultural Foundation to the first author, by grants from the Academy of Finland (134931, 139168) and the Jacobs Foundation to the second author, and by grants from the Academy of Finland (109193, 111799) to the third author. It is part of the ongoing Finnish Educational Transitions (FinEdu) Studies.

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