Reconsidering the “aspiration–expectation gap” and assumed gender differences among urban youth

Abstract

The present study investigated the relevance of the “aspiration–expectation gap” and traditional gender differences among urban youth in middle school and high school (N = 294). Results failed to indicate a significant difference between the occupational prestige levels of aspired and expected careers, but did indicate a significant difference between aspired and expected levels of education. In general, the proportion of girls significantly outweighed the proportion of boys in traditionally “masculine” occupations with high levels of prestige; girls also had higher levels of occupational prestige than boys in terms of careers they hoped and expected to obtain. Black and bi/multi-racial youth expected to have higher levels of education than White youth.

Introduction

In contrast to their more affluent and/or White counterparts, scholars have long observed that an “aspiration–expectation gap” exists among low-income youth and youth of color (Arbona, 1990). Specifically, past research reveals a discrepancy between what type of occupation they aspire to get (higher social status) and what kind of job they believe they will attain (lower social status). Common explanations for this gap have pointed to experiences of oppression and/or perceptions of inequality pertaining to poverty, racism, and labor market discrimination (Arbona, 1990). While these youth are vulnerable to endorsing a constrained, pessimistic attitude toward their future, it is an assumption that requires re-examination as contexts shift over time (Hartung, Porfeli, & Vondracek, 2005). The vast majority of studies that Arbona (1990) cited in a review of the presumed gap are outdated, as they were published during the 1970s.

For the purposes of the present study, a major question to be examined pertains to how optimistic and invested in the future urban youth are today. Has the so-called gap between career aspirations and expectations actually narrowed? Moreover, might urban girls be more optimistic about their future careers than urban boys? Indeed, the notion that girls are more likely than boys to aspire toward Social occupations that are traditionally “feminine,” while being less likely to aspire toward Investigative or Enterprising occupations that are traditionally “masculine,” has not been addressed among today’s urban youth or amidst shifting cultural trends. Currently, more women are enrolling in 4-year colleges than men (US Census, 2003). Based on their analysis of the 2000 US Census data, Reardon, Bullock, and Meyer (2007) found that the percentage of women in Enterprising (e.g., business manager, marketing executive) and Investigative (e.g., biologist, dentist) occupations more than doubled over the past 40 years. In terms of K-12 education, an overwhelming volume of evidence shows that boys are now falling behind on virtually every indicator of academic achievement (Marks, 2000, Sommers, 2000).

Based on a sample of 216 urban youth of color, Perry and Vance (in press) investigated differences in the occupational prestige levels of vocational aspirations and expectations, as well as differences between aspirations and expectations within the school domain. Most notably, the results failed to reveal an aspirations–expectations gap in occupational prestige levels, though a significant difference was revealed between educational and hoped-for educational levels. Boys expected and aspired for jobs with lower occupational prestige levels than girls. Aside from being outdated, previous research on the aspiration–expectation gap has overlooked a missing component: occupational fears. According to Perry & Vance, a useful alternative may lie in understanding how fears differ from hopes and expectations. It was not until Markus and Nurius’s (1986)possible selves theory that future fears, hopes, and expectations were unified in a theoretical framework. In short, a constellation of hoped-for-selves (i.e., “Who I wish or dream to become”), expected selves (i.e., “Who I will likely or probably become”), and feared selves (i.e., “Who I am afraid of or wish to avoid becoming”) provide sources of motivation for self-determined behavior (Yowell, 2000, Yowell, 2002). Thus, examining aspirations and expectations alone may not yield a total understanding of how educational and/or vocational goals are realized. Perry & Vance found that occupational prestige levels of hoped-for (aspired) and expected selves were significantly higher than those of feared selves. The same finding was revealed for possible selves in education.

The present study seeks to confirm the initial findings of Perry and Vance (in press). It is also meant to investigate the potential confound of socioeconomic status (SES). According to Hartung et al. (2005), past research concerning the aspirations–expectations gap has assumed that White youth and youth of color are represented by the same socioeconomic backgrounds. This study can examine this confound, as the sample consists of a sizable amount of White and bi/multi-racial urban youth. We expected to find significant differences between fears and aspirations (and between fears and expectations), with respect to occupational prestige. We did not expect significant differences between aspirations and expectations because the gap may, in theory, not exist for urban youth any longer. We also hypothesized that a significantly greater proportion of girls than boys would represent more hoped-for and expected occupational selves, including prestigious careers traditionally regarded as “masculine.” In turn, we expected that girls would have higher levels of hoped-for and expected occupational prestige than boys.