Predictors of school engagement among same-sex and heterosexual adoptive parents of Kindergarteners

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Abstract

Little research has explored parental engagement in schools in the context of adoptive parent families or same-sex parent families. The current cross-sectional study explored predictors of parents' self-reported school involvement, relationships with teachers, and school satisfaction, in a sample of 103 female same-sex, male same-sex, and heterosexual adoptive parent couples (196 parents) of kindergarten-age children. Parents who reported more contact by teachers about positive or neutral topics (e.g., their child's good grades) reported more involvement and greater satisfaction with schools, regardless of family type. Parents who reported more contact by teachers about negative topics (e.g., their child's behavior problems) reported better relationships with teachers but lower school satisfaction, regardless of family type. Regarding the broader school context, across all family types, parents who felt more accepted by other parents reported more involvement and better parent–teacher relationships; socializing with other parents was related to greater involvement. Regarding the adoption-specific variables, parents who perceived their children's schools as more culturally sensitive were more involved and satisfied with the school, regardless of family type. Perceived cultural sensitivity mattered more for heterosexual adoptive parents' relationships with their teachers than it did for same-sex adoptive parents. Finally, heterosexual adoptive parents who perceived high levels of adoption stigma in their children's schools were less involved than those who perceived low levels of stigma, whereas same-sex adoptive parents who perceived high levels of stigma were more involved than those who perceived low levels of stigma. Our findings have implications for school professionals, such as school psychologists, who work with diverse families.

Introduction

Individuals, including children, are profoundly impacted by the settings in which they live (e.g., home, school, neighborhood, and community) as well as the relationships among these systems (Bronfenbrenner, 1995). In particular, the dynamic relationship between family and school greatly contributes to child development (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998). Parents' engagement with their children's schools is widely recognized as one important way in which the family–school relationship may shape child outcomes. In fact, school engagement is the main focus of family–school relationship standards established by leading national organizations, such as the National Parent Teacher Association (2014). School professionals recognize that when parents develop strong relationships with teachers and seek involvement in schools, such relationships may (a) model for children the importance of relationships with teachers, thus affecting their academic experience, and (b) provide teachers with a more thorough understanding of children's developmental needs and strengths, via the information that they gain from parents (Dearing et al., 2008, Hoover-Dempsey and Sandler, 1995). Parents' engagement in school (e.g., via volunteering) may also benefit child–teacher relationships indirectly, as such involvement can promote positive family–teacher interactions (Dearing et al., 2008, Hornby, 2011). In turn, school psychologists can play a valuable role in promoting parent engagement through home–school collaborations and providing appropriate assessment and interventions for parents, teachers, and other school professionals (Beveridge, 2005).

The kindergarten period in particular is often recognized as an optimal time to foster and promote school engagement (Powell, Son, File, & San Juan, 2010), insomuch as parents' early school engagement may set the stage for long-term patterns of school-based involvement and relationships with the educational system (Beveridge, 2005, Malsch et al., 2011). Indeed, parents' school engagement during preschool and kindergarten has been linked to children's later academic and achievement outcomes, such that parents who demonstrate more school-based involvement and connection early on have children with better grades, attendance, homework completion, and state test results (Castro et al., 2004, Clements et al., 2004, Powell et al., 2010). Parents who have regular and direct contact with their children's schools and teachers, and who therefore model an appreciation for school engagement and learning, are more likely to have children who demonstrate positive engagement with learning and their schools (McWayne, Hampton, Fantuzzo, Cohen, & Sekino, 2004). Thus, parental engagement in children's education clearly benefits children's school success (Hoover-Dempsey and Sandler, 1997, McWayne et al., 2004).

There are several dimensions of parent engagement in children's education, including school-based involvement (e.g., volunteering), the parent–teacher relationship, and home-based involvement (e.g., help with homework; Waanders, Mendez, & Downer, 2007). In this paper, we focus on parents' involvement in the school context, as well as their relationships with teachers; we do not assess parents' home-based involvement, in part because of the young age of the sample. We also examine parents' overall endorsement of their child's school (i.e., school satisfaction). We examine these outcomes in 103 adoptive parent couples: 35 female same-sex, 28 male same-sex, and 40 heterosexual adoptive couples, based on data from 68 sexual minority women, 54 sexual minority men, 35 heterosexual men, and 39 heterosexual women.

Although parents' school engagement is widely recognized as a crucial component of successful family–school partnerships, and is often examined in the literature (see Powell et al., 2010), no work has examined parent–school relationships in adoptive families, and little work has explored parent–school relationships in same-sex parent families (Fedewa and Clark, 2009, Kosciw and Diaz, 2008). Such work is important, in order to identify whether established predictors of school engagement hold up in these understudied family forms, as well as to identify unique predictors of school engagement. Same-sex parent families and adoptive families represent understudied family forms that are vulnerable to marginalization and exclusion in society and in the school setting, which may in turn have implications for their perspectives on and relationships with their children's schools (Goldberg & Smith, 2014). Many aspects of the school environment assume a biological relationship between parent and child, and the language of teachers and parents, class assignments, and school forms may serve to stigmatize or exclude adoptive families. These problems can be further compounded for same-sex parent families, who not only encounter—and often violate—the assumption of biological relatedness between parents and children in the school context but also face heterosexist language, curricula, and school forms that assume the existence of different-sex parents (Byard, Kosciw, & Bartkiewicz, 2013). Understanding predictors of, and processes related to, parent engagement in adoptive and same-sex parent families is highly relevant to the field of school psychology, as such families become increasingly common and visible. As with any cultural competency, understanding the concerns and interests of adoptive and same-sex parents should inform the work that school psychologists engage in, including assessment, consultation, intervention, and systems change (Nastasi, 2006). School psychologists, as well as other school personnel, will be more effective if they can understand, anticipate, and ideally prevent barriers to school engagement among same-sex and heterosexual adoptive parent families. Indeed, strong and healthy parent–school relationships have the capacity to benefit parents, children, and schools (Beveridge, 2005).

Parents' personal characteristics are important to take into account in considering parent–school relationships. For example, parents' sexual orientation and gender may have implications for how they approach their children's schooling (e.g., their level of engagement) as well as how schools respond to them (e.g., their receptivity and openness).

Although all adoptive families may face marginalization in schools, same-sex parent families face additional issues, insomuch as they violate several assumptions about families. Namely, they violate the assumptions of both parent–child (biological) relatedness and parental heterosexuality (Byard et al., 2013). Their deviation from heteronormative family ideals, in turn, renders them highly visible and thus vulnerable to marginalization, exclusion, and stigmatization.

Some research suggests that same-sex parents may actually be more involved in their children's education, on average, as compared to heterosexual parents. Namely, a survey of over 500 same-sex parents by the Gay, Lesbian, Straight Education Network (GLSEN) found that the parents surveyed—who had children ranging from kindergarten through 12th grade—were more likely to have volunteered at their child's school (67% vs. 42%) and to have attended events such as Back-to-School night or parent–teacher conferences (94% vs. 77%), compared to a national sample (Kosciw & Diaz, 2008). Such findings suggest that same-sex parents are, as a group, concerned about the quality of their children's education and the schools of which they are part. Notably, their involvement in schools may be driven by their desire to ensure that their children are not discriminated against. That is, they may feel that their presence makes it harder for the school to ignore, marginalize, or discriminate against their children or families (Goldberg, 2010).

Contrasting data, however, have been reported by Fedewa and Clark (2009), who used the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study—Kindergarten Cohort (ECLS-K) dataset to compare same-sex parent and heterosexual-parent families in terms of their self-reported level of parent communication with the school and the strength of their home–school partnerships. Fedewa and Clark—who, unlike Kosciw and Diaz (2008), focused specifically on parents of young children—found no evidence for differences in parent–school relationships by family type. Thus, a central question is whether same-sex parents will report higher levels of parent involvement in their children's schools than heterosexual parents.

Also of interest is whether parents' relationships with teachers and school satisfaction vary by parent sexual orientation. The GLSEN survey—which provides some of the only data on this topic—found that a small number (7%) of parents reported negative treatment or comments related to being lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or queer (LGBTQ) by teachers; those who reported negative treatment also felt less comfortable talking to school personnel about their families (Kosciw & Diaz, 2008). Perhaps these low numbers reflect same-sex parents' efforts to place their children in diverse, affirming school settings, when possible (e.g., when they have sufficient resources); indeed, same-sex parents have been found to consider the school's gay-friendliness and overall approach to diversity in choosing schools (Goldberg and Smith, 2014, Mercier and Harold, 2003). To the extent that they are able to place their children in affirming environments, this environment may result in few homophobic incidents and generally strong family–school relationships.

The sexual orientation of parents may also moderate differences in engagement based on gender. Indeed, the literature on parents' school-based engagement has historically focused on heterosexual mothers. Thus, the finding that mothers are more involved in children's education appears to be related to, and a reflection of, traditional beliefs about gender roles and gender-based patterns of power in society (Hoover-Dempsey and Sandler, 1997, Palm and Fagan, 2008). Whether this finding holds up in same-sex parent families—who tend to be more egalitarian in terms of parental roles (Goldberg, 2010)—is unknown. In a review of the parenting literature, Biblarz and Stacey (2010) found that parent gender was a stronger predictor of parenting than sexual orientation, suggesting that gender may emerge as a significant predictor of parental engagement regardless of parental sexual orientation. It is also possible that gender interacts with sexual orientation, such that, for example, sexual minority mothers and heterosexual mothers may be similarly involved, but sexual minority fathers may be more involved than heterosexual fathers.

In considering parents' relationships with their children's schools, it is important to consider the dynamic nature of the parent–school relationship, as well as the multiple intersecting contexts within the broader school community (Bronfenbrenner and Morris, 1998, Mercier and Harold, 2003). In particular we examine parents' perceptions of their interactions with different aspects of the school community. Thus, we consider parents' perceptions of how schools relate to them (i.e., what type of contact parents receive from schools about their child) as well as their perceptions of and interactions with other parents at their children's schools (i.e., the broader school context). Finally, we consider whether parents' perceptions of the school's integration of, and sensitivity to, cultural and adoption issues, are related to school engagement.

Feuerstein (2000) observed that many studies of parents' school engagement have been ineffective in providing a clear understanding of what factors encourage parents to be engaged in their children's education. He suggested that one reason for this is that scholars “overemphasize static, individual-level variables like SES, ethnicity, and family structure” (p. 29). These types of variables “do not acknowledge the dynamic aspects of the parent–school relationship and are not easily influenced by educational or social policy” (p. 29). Thus, school-related factors, such as school efforts to contact parents, may be more important to explore as contributors to parents' school engagement. For example, Feuerstein found that parents' involvement in the school was significantly influenced by level of school contact, such that parents who reported more school contact about their children's grades and behavior volunteered more.

Few studies differentiate between school contact about “positive” versus “negative” issues. One exception is a study of school-initiated contact by Rimm-Kaufman and Pianta (1999), which differentiated among topics about which contact was being made (academic problems, behavior problems, health, positive issues, and family support) and found that kindergarten families received more contact about negative topics (e.g., behavior and academic problems) than preschool families, which in part reflected a general trend toward increased school contact between preschool to kindergarten. Unknown is how contact about negative versus positive topics may be differentially related to parent engagement. Perhaps contact about negative topics negatively influences parent–teacher relationships and school satisfaction but positively influences involvement, whereas contact about positive or neutral topics is positively related to all three dimensions of engagement (involvement, relationships, and satisfaction).

Little research has examined same-sex parents' experiences of being contacted by their children's schools. One exception is the GLSEN study conducted by Kosciw and Diaz (2008), which found that same-sex parents reported more contact about both positive or neutrally charged issues (e.g., volunteer opportunities; 58% vs. 40%) and negatively charged issues (e.g., their child's behavior problems: 21% vs. 12%), compared to a national sample. The authors, however, did not examine whether these different types of contact were related to parents' school involvement.

Feeling accepted by and connected to other parents, as well as socializing with other parents, may affect parent engagement, such that parents who form ties with other parents feel more connected to and are more involved at their children's schools (Malsch et al., 2011). By extension, parents who feel disconnected from their community in general and the other parents at their children's schools may be less engaged (Hindman et al., 2012, McKay et al., 2003), especially in minority (e.g., racial minority) communities (Simoni and Perez, 1995, Turney and Kao, 2009). The absence of a community of other parents who share a central feature of one's identity can inhibit a sense of connection to the school (Hindman et al., 2012); in turn, parents who feel excluded by the other parents at the school may detach from the school community (Levine-Rasky, 2003).

Some scholars (e.g., Durand, 2011) have conceptualized parent–parent relationships as a form of social capital that affects parents' school engagement. In a study of Latino families, Durand found that stronger communication with other parents helped to increase parents' school involvement, thus creating a possible avenue through which Latino parents might develop a collective voice within the school. Not all studies, however, find that perceived social support from parents is related to school involvement. For example, in a study of African American parents, support from other parents was unrelated to school involvement (McKay et al., 2003).

Same-sex parents' perceptions of acceptance and inclusion by other parents have rarely been examined. One exception is the GLSEN survey (Kosciw & Diaz, 2008), which found that a quarter of the same-sex parents surveyed reported mistreatment (e.g., being whispered about or ignored) by other parents at school. No research has systematically examined adoptive parents' sense of connection to other parents, although qualitative work has reported feelings of alienation from biological parents in this population (Goldberg et al., 2009, Miall, 1987). Unknown is how perceived connection to other parents is related to same-sex and adoptive parents' school engagement (i.e., their involvement, relationships, and satisfaction).

Misinformation and stigma related to adoption are still pervasive in the broader society (Goldberg et al., 2009, Miall, 1987) and may trickle down into the attitudes and practices of school personnel. Teachers, for example, may fail to attend to the multiple dimensions of difference that may impinge upon the identity or experiences of adopted children (Enge, 1999). They may also neglect to discuss racial or family diversity in the classroom, perhaps because they believe that young children are too young to understand these issues (Husband, 2012), despite evidence to the contrary (Park, 2011). Thus, from the perspective of adoptive parents, their children's schools' inclusiveness of adoptive, racial, and cultural issues may be salient and have implications for parents' level of involvement in the school, their relationships with teachers, and their overall assessment of and satisfaction with the school.

Little research has examined adoptive parents' perceptions of teachers' sensitivity to issues of adoption, culture, and race. One exception is a study by Nowak-Fabrykowski, Helinksi, and Buchstein (2009), which surveyed 23 heterosexual foster parents. They found that most parents reported that their children's teachers and classrooms did not have materials related to adoption and felt that schools could be doing more than they were to incorporate the experiences of adopted individuals and their families into their curricula. In a study of 11 White heterosexual parents with adopted Chinese daughters (ranging in age from 2 to 9 years old), Tan and Nakkula (2004) observed that parents often felt that their children's schools could be more culturally sensitive.

Some research suggests that same-sex parents may be particularly attuned to schools' sensitivity to cultural, racial, and family diversity. Mercier and Harold (2003) interviewed 15 female same-sex parent families with children age 6 months to 18 years and found that parents emphasized the importance of sending their children to schools that valued diversity, as they believed that “schools that value diversity of any type are more likely to respond well to lesbian-parent families” (p. 39). Goldberg and Smith (2014) found that racial diversity in particular mattered to same-sex parents when choosing preschools: Female and male same-sex adoptive parents were more likely to consider the racial diversity of the school than heterosexual adoptive parents, regardless of their child's race. However, this study also found that heterosexual parents perceived higher levels of adoption stigma in their children's preschools than same-sex parents. The authors suggest that this differential rate of perceived adoption stigma may reflect their greater sensitivity to this form of bias, compared to same-sex parents, who encounter multiple forms of stigma and who thus may be less sensitive to adoption-related insensitivities or more likely to attribute bias to their sexual orientation.

None of the above studies examined how perceived inclusiveness regarding culture, adoption, and diversity is related to parental engagement. Also, the literature is conflicting with regard to whether same-sex parents and heterosexual parents are differentially attuned to or affected by such perceptions, and the implications of such perceptions for school engagement.

Based on the previously described literature, we pose the following research questions and hypotheses regarding same-sex and heterosexual adoptive parents' school engagement:

  • 1.

    Parents' school-based involvement: We expect that same-sex adoptive parents will be more involved than heterosexual adoptive parents (Hypothesis 1A); women will be more involved than men, regardless of family type (Hypothesis 1B); parents who report more school contact about both positive or neutral topics and negative topics will be more involved, regardless of family type (Hypothesis 1C); parents who report greater acceptance by other parents, and who socialize with other parents, will be more involved, regardless of family type (Hypothesis 1D); and parents who perceive the school as more culturally sensitive and less stigmatizing of adoption will be more involved, regardless of family type (Hypothesis 1E).

  • 2.

    Parents' relationships with teachers: We expect that parents who report more school contact about positive or neutral topics will report better parent–teacher relationships, and parents who report more contact about negative topics will report poorer relationships, regardless of family type (Hypothesis 2A). Parents who view the school as more culturally sensitive and less stigmatizing of adoption will report better relationships, regardless of family type (Hypothesis 2B).

  • 3.

    School satisfaction: We expect that parents who report more school contact about positive or neutral topics will be more satisfied with the school, whereas parents who report more contact about negative topics will be less satisfied, regardless of family type (Hypothesis 3A). Parents who perceive their schools as more culturally sensitive and less stigmatizing of adoption will be more satisfied, regardless of family type (Hypothesis 3B).

We do not have hypotheses about how (a) sexual orientation, (b) perceived acceptance by parents, and (c) socializing with parents, may be related to parent–teacher relationships or school satisfaction. As there is no sufficient literature in these areas to speculate about such associations, our examination of these associations was exploratory. We also conducted a series of exploratory interactions. We examined the interaction between sexual orientation and gender in predicting involvement, parent–teacher relationships, and school satisfaction, but we did not have specific hypotheses about the direction of these associations. We also conducted exploratory interactions between (a) cultural sensitivity and sexual orientation and (b) adoption stigma and sexual orientation, out of interest in whether diversity-related variables differentially affect school engagement for same-sex and heterosexual adoptive parents.

Section snippets

Participants

Data were taken from a longitudinal study of adoptive-parent families, conducted by the first author (e.g., Goldberg et al., 2010, Goldberg et al., 2009). All 103 couples had adopted their first child 5 years earlier. Participants were included in the current study if their adopted child was in kindergarten.

We used data from members of 35 female same-sex couples, 28 male same-sex couples, and 40 heterosexual couples—all of whom who had adopted their first child 5 years earlier—to examine

Results

In the following sections, we present (a) descriptive findings; (b) findings from our multilevel models predicting parent involvement, parent–teacher relationships, and school satisfaction; and (c) findings from our follow-up analyses.

Discussion

This study is the first to examine the school-related experiences of same-sex and heterosexual adoptive parents with kindergarten-age children. We examined multiple aspects of the parent and school context in relation to parents' school engagement. Our findings hold implications for future research as well as for early childhood educators and school personnel, such as school psychologists, who wish to cultivate learning environments that appeal to and meet the needs of diverse families.

The

Acknowledgments

This research was funded by several grants, awarded to the first author: Grant# R03HD054394, from the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health & Human Development; the Wayne F. Placek award, from the American Psychological Foundation; and a Small Grant, from the Spencer Foundation.

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