Elsevier

Journal of Criminal Justice

Volume 42, Issue 2, March–April 2014, Pages 173-183
Journal of Criminal Justice

Community characteristics and child sexual assault: Social disorganization and age

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jcrimjus.2013.06.016Get rights and content

Highlights

  • We find that the sources of sexual assault differ between preteen and teen victims.

  • More registered sex offenders in a community increases only teen sexual assault.

  • Social disorganization adds moderately to explaining preteen & teen sexual assault.

Abstract

Purpose

This study examines the utility of social disorganization theory as an explanation for community rates of child sexual assault. We explore the sources of preteen (<=12) and teen (13-17) sexual assault victimization.

Methods

Drawing on 1,172 child sexual assault incidents reported to law enforcement agencies in Orange County, Florida in 2004-2006, the present study assesses whether social disorganization theory can explain variation in amounts of preteen and teen sexual assault across census tracts. Social disorganization is assessed using measures of economic disadvantage, collective efficacy, and social cohesion, along with measures of population density, violent crime and presence of sex offenders in the community, and gender-related socioeconomic standing.

Results

Economic disadvantage is positively related to the amount of both preteen and teen sexual assault. Surprisingly, immigrant concentration is negatively related to both preteen and teen sexual assault. Housing density is positively related to preteen sexual assault and the presence of registered sex offenders is positively related to teen sexual assault.

Conclusion

Social disorganization provides a moderate explanation for community variance in the amount of preteen and teen sexual assault. Also, sources of child sexual assault are different between younger children and older adolescents.

Introduction

Sexual offenses, especially those perpetrated against children, are among the most serious and most despised crimes in American society. Public and official attitudes and responses to such offenses have resulted in numerous criminal justice and social service policies designed to efficiently respond to, as well as to prevent, the assault of children and reduce recidivism among known offenders. The last two decades have witnessed the rapid development and growth of longer prison terms for sex offenders, requirements for sex offender registration, community notification of sex offenders’ addresses, and policies designed to prevent sexual assaults of children.

The proliferation of such practices are well intentioned, but may not be based on scientific evidence regarding either the limited efficacy of such practices (Sandler et al., 2008, Tewksbury and Jennings, 2010, Vásquez et al., 2008, Zgoba et al., 2008) or an accurate understanding about the dynamics of child sexual assault. While the scholarly evidence concerning the identification of characteristics of children at heightened risk of victimization is fairly well developed, it tends to focus on micro-level sources of known instances of sexual assault such as demographics and relationship/situational factors. Although some scholars (Paulsen, 2003, Zuravin, 1986, Zuravin, 1989) have considered community structures as they relate to the maltreatment and abuse of children in general, there is a lack of research that examines the more macro-level characteristics that may be related to differential rates of child sexual victimization.

If community-level characteristics have significant influences on rates of child sexual assault, both criminal justice officials and child welfare officials working to prevent victimizations can better design and target their efforts in pursuit of enhanced public safety. Knowing that particular types of communities are conducive to higher rates of child sexual assault is important not only for understanding which residents may be at greatest risk for victimization, but also for where investigative and prevention efforts can be most efficiently and effectively focused. To do this requires an understanding of both micro and macro level sources of child sexual assault victimization and which areas have the highest concentrations of child sexual assault and why. Examining macro determinants is at the heart of the current study.

Section snippets

Rates of child sexual assault

Researchers estimate that children comprise 66% of all known victims of sexual assault (Snyder, 2000). And, sexual abuse accounts for approximately 7% to 10% of all reports of child maltreatment in the U.S. (U.S. Department of Health & Human Services, 2009). Despite the heinous nature of child sexual assault and a body of well-established detrimental consequences of sexual abuse (American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 2008, Browne and Finkelhor, 1986, Dube et al., 2005, Finkelhor

Data

We obtained datasets for incidents, victims, and offenders for homicide, aggravated assault, robbery, and sexual assault for the 2004-2006 calendar years from the Orlando Police Department (OPD) and Orange County Sheriff’s Office (OCSO). OPD data for each offence are maintained in three files; those for the OCSO are in a single file. The variable “case number” was present in all of the original datasets and was utilized as the common field to merge data from the separate files.

One problem with

Cases

There are 1172 cases of child sexual assault included in the analyses. Fully 86% of cases have female victims, 13% have male victims, and 2% have no victim sex recorded. Racially, 62% of victims are white, 35% are black, 2% are unknown, and .6% are “other” (e.g., Native American, Alaskan Native, Asian). The mean age of the victims was 11.56 with a median of 13 years old. Eight-six percent of incidents had single child victims, while 14% had multiple victims. With regard to the suspects (s), 94%

Discussion and conclusion

This study finds, quite conclusively, that although several concepts tied to social disorganization theory are strongly related to rates of child sexual assault, many are not. As one of the only studies to specifically asses correlations between community characteristics of locations and varying amounts of both preteen and teenaged sexual assault victimization, the present findings offer important theoretical and practical implications.

To elaborate, measures of violent crime provide at least a

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