Reassessing the family-delinquency association: Do family type, family processes, and economic factors make a difference?
Introduction
Various versions of social disorganization theories (e.g., Sampson, 1992, Shaw and McKay, 1932), social control theories (e.g., Hirschi, 1969, Nye, 1958), subcultural theories (e.g., Lewis, 1961, Miller, 1958), and life-course perspectives (e.g., Sampson and Laub, 1993, Thornberry, 1987) cite family as a major factor in the explanation of delinquent behavior. Much of the research literature on the subject indicates that the family generally encourages conformity of youth by monitoring behavior, applying consistent discipline, and developing parent–child attachments (e.g., Gottfredson and Hirschi, 1990, Patterson, 1982). Scholars are not in agreement, however, as to whether single parents are as effective as two parents in their ability to do these things (e.g., Demo, 1992, Hetherington and Kelly, 2002, Popenoe, 1996, Rebellon, 2002, Stacey, 1996, Wilkinson, 1974).
There is some evidence that single-mothers place fewer maturity demands on their children, engage in less monitoring, and use less effective disciplinary strategies than families with two parents (e.g., Simons, Simons, & Wallace, 2004). Moreover, some research also lends support to the idea that compared to children from intact families, children living in single-parent families participate in more delinquency (e.g., Dornbusch et al., 1985, Juby and Farrington, 2001, Rodgers and Pryor, 1998, Simons and Chao, 1996), have lower educational achievement, and demonstrate poorer overall adjustment as adults (e.g., Acock and Kiecolt, 1989, Amato, 2000, Amato and Keith, 1991, Loh, 1996, McLanahan and Sandefur, 1994, Rankin and Kern, 1994, Wells and Rankin, 1991). The relationship between family structure and delinquency appears to be particularly significant when official data is used rather than self-report measures and for certain types of conduct problems, such as status offending (e.g., Free, 1991, Hirschi, 1969, Nye, 1958, Rankin and Kern, 1994, Rosen and Neilson, 1982, Van Voorhis et al., 1988, Wells and Rankin, 1991).
Despite a number of studies on the topic, several issues regarding the relationship between family structure and delinquent behavior remain unresolved. One underlying concern is the conceptualization of the single-parent household and the role that family processes and social structure may have on tempering its relationship with delinquency. Prior research, for example, has often characterized the single-parent home in simplistic terms by using the traditional methodological practice of collapsing all single-parent households into a single category (i.e., non-intact or broken homes). Treating all single-parent families as theoretically and empirically equivalent is problematic, however, for several reasons. Most important, it ignores differences that might exist between households that experience divorce, death, or no marriage, especially in terms of family bonds and resources that may condition involvement in delinquency relative to one another and to intact households (Cernkovich and Giordano, 1987, Juby and Farrington, 2001, Sprey, 1967, Wells and Rankin, 1991).1
The present research attempted to address this weakness of the existing literature by using data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health) to examine in greater detail the extent to which family type, family process variables, and economic factors impact participation in nonserious and serious delinquency. More specific, the study considered whether differences existed in the relationship between family types (i.e., intact, divorce, death, or never married) and delinquency, and if this association was mediated by family processes (i.e., attachment, supervision, and control) and/or economic variables (i.e., membership in the underclass and maternal employment status).
Section snippets
Theoretical background
A number of theoretical frameworks have been used to explain the relationship between family structure and a variety of youth outcomes, including delinquency.2 Following earlier research, the present article refers to four of these paradigms as social control theory, the social control/parental absence model (see Amato and Keith, 1991, Demuth and
Prior research
It is clear that these different theoretical approaches offer distinct positions on the association between family structure and delinquent behavior and the specific social processes that may mediate this relationship. Although research was lacking that focused specifically on family type and each of these family and structural processes, previous studies had offered some support for each theoretical position. Demuth and Brown (2004), for example, found that family structure was much less
Data and sample
Data used for this research came from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health). The study was based on a nationally representative sample of eighty high schools and fifty-two “feeder schools” (i.e., middle or junior high schools) that were stratified by region, urbanicity, school type, ethnic mix, and size. Seventh to twelfth grade students were randomly chosen from the class rosters of the selected schools and were interviewed in their own homes. One parental figure,
Comparing family type by family processes and economic resources
Recall that three of the perspectives discussed, the social control/parental absence, the family crisis, and the economic strain models, indicated that because of either having only one parent present or experiencing a disruption, differences should be evident among family types in parental/child attachment, supervision, or economic resources. According to the social control/parental absence model, for example, non-intact households should reveal lower levels of attachment relative to intact
Discussion
Social control theory, together with parental absence, family crisis, and economic strain models were used as the theoretical background to examine the relationship between family type and delinquency in the present study. The first two frameworks, social control theory and the parental absence model, make the assumption that two parents are better able to provide affection and supervision of their children than single parents (Gottfredson and Hirschi, 1990, McLanahan and Sandefur, 1994).
Acknowledgements
This research used data from Add Health, a program project designed by J. Richard Udry, Peter S. Bearman, and Kathleen Mullan Harris, and funded by a grant P01-HD31921 from the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development, with cooperative funding from seventeen other agencies. Special acknowledgement is due to Ronald Rindfuss and Barbara Entwisle for assistance in the original design. Persons interested in obtaining data files from Add Health should contact Add Health, Carolina
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