Nudging – A promising tool for sustainable consumption behaviour?
Introduction
There is a growing recognition that supply-side policies need to be complemented by demand side strategies that could help individuals make more sustainable decisions. Therefore, behavioural insights are being used increasingly in the design, implementation and evaluation of policy instruments (Heiskanen et al., 2009, Wolff and Schönherr, 2011).
Behavioural sciences, including psychology, marketing and behavioural economics, paint a picture of complex human behaviour that is influenced by a diversity of factors, such as desires and needs, social norms and values, infrastructural and institutional context, and economic and political climate (Mont and Power, 2013). There is also a growing knowledge on how human behaviour is influenced in practice, for example in the shopping context by retailers (Mont, 2013) or at the community level through social marketing (McKenzie-Mohr, 2011).
Insights from behavioural sciences help policy makers not only to better understand human behaviour and factors influencing behavioural change, but to also devise more effective and efficient policies for advancing welfare-enhancing and sustainable behaviour. Still, information provision is the most widely used policy tool to promote sustainable consumption (Berg, 2011, Schrader and Thøgersen, 2011). Informative policy instruments rely on the rational behaviour model (see Hansen and Schrader, 1997), according to which people are utility maximisers with perfect information processing capacity. These assumptions about human nature were questioned by cognitive and social psychologist and even economists already in the 1950s −1970s (Simon, 1957, Tversky and Kahneman, 1974). It was demonstrated that people have bounded rationality, are subject to behavioural biases and often do not make deliberate choices, but rely on mental shortcuts and habits.
These findings open up possibilities to design policies that recognise and utilise knowledge of human behaviour as it is, and not as projected in simplified economic models. However, it has been difficult for psychologists to bring the complexity of human behaviour into the policy making context and even more challenging to translate it into the language of policy recommendations and economic and administrative rationales. A book by behavioural economist Richard Thaler and law scholar Cass Sunstein Nudge: Improving decisions about health, wealth, and happiness (2008) has succeeded in popularising some of the findings from behavioural science and their applications in policy making. This spurred a renewed interest in employing behavioural sciences in devising policies that enhance individual and social welfare. It explores the role of choice architecture and nudges in shaping behaviour in a desired direction.
Nudge tools have been successfully applied by governments, for example in savings accounts (Thaler and Bernartzi, 2004) and public health campaigns (Oullier et al., 2010). Recently Cass Sunstein, 2014a, Sunstein, 2014b) claimed that nudges can also be promising tools for promoting a broad range of pro-environmental and sustainable consumption behaviours.
The present paper aims to review the existing evidence-base for this claim, focussing on the most environmentally relevant domains of consumption: housing, mobility and food. In addition, the intention is to not only collect available evidence as to whether nudges can be promising tools for promoting pro-environmental behaviours, but to also gather data to help us judge to what extent nudges are effective in changing behaviour. In order to evaluate the effectiveness of nudges, the literature review included searches for existing academic research, commissioned studies, large- and small-scale experiments and pilots employing nudge-based interventions that have reported quantitative results. Unlike previous reviews, we do not focus on the entire behavioural economics discipline (e.g.Avineri, 2012, Moseley and Stoker, 2013) or particular behavioural interventions (e.g., Frederiks et al., 2015, Kunreuther and Weber, 2014), but investigate the evidence pertaining to the range of tools advocated by Thaler and Sunstein (2008) in the selected environmentally relevant domains. Understanding the effectiveness of different types of nudges and the magnitude of effects is relevant both for policy making and for administrative feasibility of employing nudges.
The main sources of information were digital online databases, including SCOPUS, Web of Science, Lund University Online Library providing access to EBSCO, ABI, JSTOR and other databases. Also library catalogue of Lund University – Lovisa, individual full-text journal databases and online repositories were used. The initial keywords included: nudge and nudging, behaviour change, environment and consumption. Then the keywords were refined to search for information about application of different nudge tools in environmentally relevant domains. Further, the keywords were specified that allowed searching for sources reporting on effectiveness of the different nudge tools and specifically that presented quantitative results. Throughout the search process, where feasible, individual keywords were combined into complex search statements.
The bulk of the processed literature comprised not only peer-reviewed academic journal articles, but also books, official policy reports and commissioned research reports. Since nudging as a concept has been recently advanced in the USA and taken up in Europe, the majority of processed sources stem from European and North American countries.
The results of the traditional literature review were validated for completeness and policy relevance in expert interviews with three prominent nudge researchers.1 The main contribution of this study is to sustainable consumption policy answering the question: what are the promises and pitfalls of nudging for policy makers?
The present article starts by presenting the concept of nudging in Section 2. Then the article analyses the existing evidence with regard to the efficiency of nudges in the three environmentally relevant domains of consumption: energy, food and transport (Section 3). After that it describes the opportunities and limitations for policy making based on nudging in the three domains of relevance for the environment (Section 4). We cap this with a discussion on the legitimacy of nudging in influencing behaviour (Section 5).
Section snippets
The concept of nudge
Human behaviour is very complex. Devising policies that entail or imply behavioural change requires solid understanding of how people behave in different situations and contexts. However, for a long time, the use of findings of behavioural sciences in policy have been rather unsystematic (Shafir, 2013). Mainstream economics, e.g. neoclassical economics, is based on the assumption of rational decision making. Behavioural sciences, drawing on insights from cognitive2
Nudge in environmentally relevant consumption domains: existing evidence
Nudge has been recently promoted as a promising tool for advancing sustainable consumption (Sunstein, 2014a, Sunstein, 2014b), because nudge tools do not restrict consumer choice as much as other measures, e.g. choice editing. The three most environmentally relevant areas of consumption, which together sum up to 75–80% of the life cycle environmental impacts in industrialised countries, are housing (especially heating systems), transport (especially car use and air travel) and food and drink
Devising more successful nudges in residential energy use
Behavioural science has been used (if only sporadically and partially) for decades in energy efficiency policy (Stern, 1992). One of the important contributions of behavioural economics to energy efficiency policy is to counteract the economics-based reasoning, which argues that there cannot be an “energy efficiency gap” since people always behave rationally (Geller and Attali, 2005, Gillingham and Palmer, 2014). Behavioural economics supports the idea that we do need energy efficiency policy.
Critical issues concerning the legitimacy of nudging
As demonstrated above, nudge interventions represent a practical approach for policy makers to try to solve pressing social and individual problems in an age when ideological preference for free markets and the increasing impact of globalisation on nation states limits policy makers' ability to regulate and tax in order to influence individuals' behaviour (Thaler and Sunstein, 2008). Insights from psychology and behavioural economics on which the nudge concept builds help policy makers to
Conclusions
Lately, applications of behavioural economics such as nudging have been helping policy makers in different countries and sectors to more systematically integrate behavioural insights into policy design and implementation. Nudges have been widely applied in consumer and competition policies, especially when it comes to providing default options in situations with complex information (e.g. pension funds or financial services) or simplifying complex information for users. Also measures to make key
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