Cross-ethnic friendships: Are they really rare? Evidence from secondary schools around London

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Abstract

This study examined current cross-ethnic friendship patterns in secondary schools around London, UK, and the effects of ethnic group and ethnic diversity on cross-ethnic friendship selection and quality. Questionnaires including self-report ethnic group definitions and measures of same-/cross-ethnic friendship numbers, along with the quality of 3 best cross-ethnic friends, were distributed to 684 Year 7 (aged 11) British students (256 White European, 63 Middle Easterner, 118 Black, 247 South Asian) recruited from 9 multi-ethnic secondary schools (37 classrooms) in Greater London. In contrast to most previous research which suggested the relative rarity of cross-ethnic friendships, findings showed that cross-ethnic friendships were in fact frequent and of high quality, outnumbering same-ethnic friendships for all ethnic groups. After controlling for gender, classroom gender composition, SES, percentage of available same-ethnic peers, ethnic identity and perceived ethnic discrimination, classroom ethnic diversity still had a marginally positive effect on cross-ethnic friendship selection, but had no effect on cross-ethnic friendship quality. White British children reported higher cross-ethnic friendship selection and lower cross-ethnic friendship quality compared to other ethnic groups, but this depended on classroom ethnic diversity. Implications of the findings are discussed in the light of intergroup contact and friendship formation theories. We conclude that research on cross-ethnic friendships is crucial in providing insights into how intergroup relationships are formed during early adolescence in modern multiethnic settings like London secondary schools.

Introduction

Over the last decade, the UK has witnessed a considerable increase in ethnic minority populations residing in inner cities. London is today one of the most ethnically diverse cities in the UK and the world (Sturgis, Brunton-Smith, Khua, & Jackson, 2011), representing a unique and dynamic social environment for its residents coming from various cultural, ethnic and religious backgrounds. Although recent demographic trends have illustrated this particular context where the population of different ethnic minority groups has been increasing sharply, especially in educational settings (Hamnett, 2012, Wohland et al., 2010), there is little recent empirical data examining how such multiethnic contexts might affect cross-ethnic friendships among secondary school year children.

Previous research on children's cross-ethnic friendships mainly originates from the intergroup contact literature, which has documented the robust effect of cross-ethnic friendships in promoting positive intergroup attitudes (e.g., Aboud et al., 2003, Feddes et al., 2009) and from the developmental psychology literature, which has emphasized the positive outcomes of cross-ethnic friendships in childhood (e.g., Kawabata and Crick, 2008, Kawabata and Crick, 2011a, Lease and Blake, 2005). Cross-ethnic friendships increase intimate knowledge, empathy and self-disclosure among members of different groups (Turner, Hewstone, & Voci, 2007), in addition to providing the typical benefits of friendships such as increasing social competence and skills, adjustment and satisfaction in the school environment (e.g., Hunter and Elias, 1999, Lease and Blake, 2005).

Despite their social and developmental benefits, cross-ethnic friendships tend to be relatively rare and low in quality. Earlier studies after desegregation projects in the US (Hallinan and Smith, 1985, Hallinan and Williams, 1989) and more recent studies in the US (Bellmore et al., 2007, Graham and Cohen, 1997, Kao and Joyner, 2004), Canada (Schneider, Udvari, & Dixon, 2007) and Europe (Verkuyten, 2001) suggest that cross-ethnic friendships are uncommon and low in quality. Undoubtedly, the social context, in particular the ethnic composition of schools and classrooms, and the ethnic status of children (majority vs. minority), play a significant role in how peer relationships are formed during childhood (Graham et al., 2009, Kawabata and Crick, 2008). Both intergroup contact and friendship theories provide explanations about how ethnic composition may affect the development of cross-ethnic friendships across different ethnic groups. However, no clear agreement has been reached about the effects of ethnic diversity and ethnic group on cross-ethnic friendships in ethnically diverse settings.

The current work investigated whether cross-ethnic friendships in a specific British context, multi-ethnic secondary schools in London, are necessarily as rare and low in quality as previous studies in various contexts have demonstrated. We further explored whether classroom ethnic diversity and ethnic group are associated with the selection and the quality of cross-ethnic friendships, after controlling for the percentage of available same-ethnic peers in classroom, gender, classroom gender composition, socio-economic status (SES), perceived ethnic discrimination and ethnic identity.

Cross-ethnic friendships in multiethnic contexts have been primarily investigated following the basic tenets of intergroup contact theory (Allport, 1954) which assumed that contact between members of different groups would improve positive intergroup relations. Schools in particular have been suggested as convenient social settings for the development of intergroup contact by ensuring equal status and common goals (Pettigrew, 1998, Schofield, 1991). With the reformulation of the contact theory, more attention has been drawn to cross-ethnic friendships, which promote positive intergroup relations by providing long-term, mutual, and affective relationships that include self-disclosure, empathy and trust (Pettigrew, 1998, Turner et al., 2007). Empirical research has supported this assumption, and cross-ethnic friendships have consistently been found to improve positive outgroup attitudes among children and adolescents (e.g., Aboud et al., 2003, Feddes et al., 2009, Levin et al., 2003, Pettigrew and Tropp, 2006).

Supporting intergroup contact theory, propinquity, i.e., physical proximity between different groups, has been suggested to increase intergroup contact and friendships in earlier theories of friendship formation (Blau, 1974, Blau, 1977, Homans, 1950). A great deal of previous empirical work found a direct positive link between the number of potential cross-ethnic friends in schools or classrooms and the frequency of cross-ethnic friendships (Damico and Sparks, 1986, Hallinan and Teixeira, 1987, Howes and Wu, 1990, Quillian and Campbell, 2003). Yet, opportunities for cross-ethnic friendships alone may not be sufficient for the actual development of cross-ethnic friendships (Mouw and Entwisle, 2006, Sigelman et al., 1996). It has been suggested that homophily, the tendency to choose friends with similar characteristics, also affects friendship formation. Research shows that racial/ethnic homophily is one of the strongest divides that influence friendships (Kandel, 1978, McPherson et al., 2001). Therefore, when people have opportunities to form relationships with their own ethnic group, they are inclined to do so (Moody, 2001).

Empirically, Joyner and Kao (2000) found that the likelihood of interracial friendships increases as the proportion of available same-race peers decreases. Moody (2001), using the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health in the US, concluded that friendship segregation is at the highest level in moderately heterogeneous schools, but decreased significantly with extreme ethnic heterogeneity. The author explained this nonlinear relationship by highlighting the effect of racial categorization which becomes salient in moderately heterogeneous environments. Moody also based his findings on the ethnic competition theory (Blalock, 1967, Scheepers et al., 2002) and indicated that in moderately heterogeneous settings, ethnic majorities may feel threatened by high numbers of ethnic minorities. In a study in the Netherlands, Vervoort, Scholte, and Scheepers (2011) found that White participants had more negative outgroup attitudes and more positive ingroup attitudes when there were higher numbers of ethnic minorities in the classroom. Therefore, racial/ethnic salience may increase in such environments, consequently restricting the formation of cross-ethnic friendships.

Quillian and Campbell (2003) argued that in ethnically diverse environments, propinquity and homophily operate in opposite ways; homophily appears to increase the number of same-ethnic friendships, while propinquity and opportunity for cross-ethnic contact may enhance the formation of cross-ethnic friendships. Similarly, Wilson and Rodkin (2012) suggested that one may tend to befriend same-ethnic peers as a way to promote one's social identity (Hamm et al., 2005, Peshkin, 1991, Tajfel and Turner, 1979); whereas one may wish to form expansive social connections that would cross ethnic boundaries. The specific context where intergroup relationships take place may therefore play a significant role in the compromise between same-/cross-ethnic friendship selection.

Most empirical research in the US and Canada has supported the homophily principle and found that children and adolescents usually form friendships with their same-ethnic/race peers, and found cross-ethnic friendships to be infrequent (e.g., Clark and Ayers, 1992, Jackman and Crane, 1986, Kao and Joyner, 2006, Kawabata and Crick, 2008, Schneider et al., 2007). Similarly, studies in the UK, although scarce, demonstrate high in-group preference of children in their choice of friends and play mates (Boulton and Smith, 1992, Davey and Mullin, 1982, Leman and Lam, 2008). In parallel to their low frequency, cross-ethnic friendships have also been shown to be weak and low in intimacy (Aboud et al., 2003, Moody, 2001). Studies indicated that cross-ethnic friends have rarely been nominated as ‘best friends’ (Hallinan and Teixeira, 1987, Reynolds, 2007). Moreover, they have been found to be lower in intimacy and closeness (Aboud et al., 2003, Schneider et al., 2007), self-disclosure and partner's responsiveness (Shelton, Trail, West, & Bergsieker, 2010) compared to same-ethnic friendships. Similarly, Kao and Joyner (2004) indicated that the quality of cross-ethnic friendships assessed by activities and time spent together was lower compared to the quality of same-ethnic friendships.

Cross-ethnic friendship selection and quality may also vary across different ethnic groups. The general trend in the literature shows that White participants (ethnic majority status group members) are especially likely to form more same-ethnic friendships than cross-ethnic ones. Accordingly, White children and adolescents have been found to be less friendly (Hallinan & Teixeira, 1987), and give less importance to their cross-ethnic peers (Pica-Smith, 2011) compared to ethnic minorities. Similarly, White majority group members tend to report higher same-ethnic friendship numbers (Clark and Ayers, 1992, Howes and Wu, 1990, Margie et al., 2005, Shrum et al., 1988) and lower levels of diversity in their friendship group compared to ethnic minorities (Fischer, 2008).

Although most empirical research noted that Whites are inclined to choose more same-ethnic friends, this often depends on the ethnic composition of the social context. Kawabata and Crick (2008) found that, after controlling for the proportion of same-ethnic group members in the classroom, White Europeans tended to report higher cross-ethnic friendship selection compared to African and Latino Americans. Some studies, on the other hand, found that the in-group preference for friendships exists for both majority and minority ethnic groups and there was no effect of ethnic group in friendship selection (Aboud et al., 2003, Graham and Cohen, 1997, Howes and Wu, 1990).

We also took into account a number of control variables that could potentially affect cross-ethnic friendship selection and quality in addition to ethnic diversity and ethnic group. First, we accounted for the percentage of available same-ethnic peers in the classroom which has been found to affect the formation of cross-ethnic friendships and may restrict cross-ethnic friendship selection (Joyner and Kao, 2000, Moody, 2001). Second, we controlled for gender-related variables, such as gender and classroom gender composition (mixed vs. all-girls), as gender has been found to be one of the categories children related to in forming friendships. Yet, results are mixed; Lee, Howes, and Chamberlain (2007) showed that girls had more cross-ethnic friends than boys, while boys have been found to have more extensive social networks than girls in other studies (Graham & Cohen, 1997). Third, socio-economic status indicated by house type (e.g., council house or private house) was included as a control variable, as previous research suggested that social group status may have effects on intergroup attitudes of children (e.g., Bigler et al., 2001, Nesdale et al., 2004).

Finally, we also accounted for two ethnicity-related variables – perceived ethnic discrimination and ethnic identity. First, it has been shown that ingroup bias and perceived discrimination and prejudice may hinder the development of cross-ethnic friendships (Levin et al., 2003; Schofield, Hausmann, Ye, & Wood, 2010). Other studies indicated that negative intergroup experiences and intergroup anxiety have negative impacts on intergroup relations (e.g., Stephan & Stephan, 1985). Second, ethnic identity also appears to affect friendship selection, albeit the presence of mixed findings in the literature. One line of research suggests that high group identification is associated with positive views of ingroup members among adults (e.g., Brown & Hewstone, 2005) and ethnic minority adolescents (Kao & Vaquera, 2006). Other research suggests that higher levels of ethnic identification may actually encourage the formation of cross-ethnic friendships, by increasing confidence in ethnic identity, which provides people with security needed to promote understanding of other ethnic groups and intercultural thinking. Accordingly, Phinney, Ferguson, and Tate (1997) demonstrated that ethnic identity increased positive ingroup attitudes, which in turn improved outgroup attitudes. In fact, ethnic identity and other-group orientation (the desire to interact with other ethnic groups) have been suggested to be positively associated (Phinney, Jacoby, & Silva, 2007).

Although Britain still remains a majority White nation, recent census data indicated that the percentage of White ethnic majorities decreased from 91.3% in 2001 to 86% in 2011 (Office for National Statistics, 2012). In particular, London now has a strikingly different ethnic composition compared to the rest of the UK, with 45% of the population consisting of ethnic groups other than White British (Cohen, 2012, Office for National Statistics, 2012). Sturgis et al. (2011) focused on London as a specific environment and found that meaningful contact between members of different ethnic groups is substantially different in London compared to the rest of the UK; social mixing and meaningful regular contact are higher for White British Londoners compared to White British residents in other parts of the UK. London is also noteworthy for the variety and diversity of ethnic groups which reside in the inner city. Although Asians and Blacks constitute a major part of the ethnic minority population in London (respectively 18.5% and 13.3% of the total London population according to 2011 Census data), there are approximately 300 different languages spoken, with at least 50 non-indigeneous communities (Von Ahn, Lupton, Greenwood, & Wiggins, 2010).

The growth of ethnic minority populations is also emphasized in educational settings. The percentage of ethnic minority groups in Britain's state secondary schools has increased from 17.7% in 2007 to 23.2% in 2012 (Ryan et al., 2010, Office for National Statistics, 2012). Ethnic minority students have started to outnumber White British students in secondary schools, reaching a proportion of 53% in Greater London (Hamnett, 2012). As schools constitute one of the social contexts where children spend time with peers and develop friendships (Coleman, 1961), the environment of secondary schools around London provides a specific social setting for the formation of cross-ethnic friendships.

Moreover, research shows that children start to construct stronger schemas about social categories such as race and gender and hold a clear understanding of these categories by the age of 10 (Quintana, 2011). Hence, we focused on early adolescent students (aged 11) who started secondary school at the time of measurement. This period may be especially challenging for children, due to the need to form friendships in a new school environment, while encountering potential risk of ethnic discrimination (Jugert et al., 2011, Spears Brown, 2008). The examination of cross-ethnic friendships during this period is also critical, since such interactions are often strong predictors of intergroup relationships later in life (e.g., Ellison and Powers, 1994, Stearns et al., 2009). Moreover, importance given to friendships and the rate of self-disclosure among friends increase during transition to secondary school, as early adolescents become less dependent on parents and more affiliated with peers (e.g., Dunn, 2004, Fuligni and Eccles, 1993).

The first aim of this study was to explore the current trend of cross-ethnic friendships in Greater London. We evaluated both ethnic minority (Black, South Asian and Middle Easterner) and majority British (White European) students’ self-reported cross-ethnic friendships, using the number of cross- and same-ethnic friends as an indicator of cross-ethnic friendship selection, and the closeness and intimacy of three best cross-ethnic friends as indicators of cross-ethnic friendship quality. The second aim was to explore how cross-ethnic friendship selection and quality vary across different ethnic groups and classroom ethnic diversity. We also controlled for a number of relevant variables which may have potential effects on cross-ethnic friendship selection and quality, including the percentage of same-ethnic peers in the classroom, gender, classroom gender composition (mixed vs. all-girl), SES, ethnic identity and perceived ethnic discrimination.

This study extends previous findings in several ways. Most previous studies investigating secondary school cross-ethnic friendships examined only Black–White or majority–minority interracial friendships (e.g., Hallinan and Williams, 1989, Sigelman et al., 1996, Vervoort et al., 2011), which may not represent current social environments in big cities. In this study, we accounted for cross-ethnic friendships among various ethnic groups residing in London. Although some studies included more ethnically/racially diverse samples (e.g., Kawabata and Crick, 2011b, Quillian and Campbell, 2003), these studies have been almost exclusively limited to cross-ethnic/racial friendships in the US setting, which may be primarily shaped by the American history of racial segregation (Van Houtte & Stevens, 2009). Also by controlling for a number of variables that may affect cross-ethnic friendships in an ethnically diverse environment, we aimed to illustrate specific relationships between ethnic group, ethnic diversity and cross-ethnic friendships.

In summary, we had two clear hypotheses. First, students would report higher numbers of same-ethnic friendships than cross-ethnic ones based on the general trend in most previous empirical work (Hypothesis I). Second, classroom ethnic diversity would have positive effects on cross-ethnic friendship frequency and quality after accounting for control variables (Hypothesis II). We expected that ethnic group membership would have an effect on cross-ethnic friendship selection and quality; though we had no a priori hypothesis because some research suggests that same-ethnic preference exists for both ethnic minority and majority children (e.g., Boulton and Smith, 1992, Davey and Mullin, 1982), while others suggest the ethnic majority group reports more same-ethnic friendships (e.g., Howes and Wu, 1990, Margie et al., 2005).

Section snippets

Participants

Questionnaires were distributed to Year 7 students (age: M = 11.09, SD = .45) within the first term of their first year at secondary school. The initial sample consisted of 910 students (367 male, 539 female, 4 did not reveal their gender) from different ethnic backgrounds including White European British (29.3%), White Non-European British (1.6%), Middle Easterner British (7.2%), Black British (13.5%), South Asian British (28.3%), Other Asian British (2.3%), Mixed White–Other British (12.4%) and

Same-/cross-ethnic friendship numbers

In general, children reported high numbers of both same- and cross-ethnic friendships. Only 3% of the total sample reported that they did not have any cross-ethnic friends and 9% reported that they did not have any same-ethnic friend. Also, children estimated significantly higher numbers of cross-ethnic friends (M = 12.98, SD = 15.09) than same-ethnic friends (M = 8.27, SD = 12.34), t(563) = −6.68, p < .001. Separate analyses for each group indicated that for all ethnic groups cross-ethnic friendship

Discussion

The aims of this study were to investigate same-/cross-ethnic friendship numbers and selection, the quality of cross-ethnic friendships, and whether ethnic diversity and ethnic group have significant effects in cross-ethnic friendship selection and quality in a multiethnic UK setting. In this study, cross-ethnic friendships were in fact more frequent than same-ethnic ones, and of high quality. Even after controlling for other potential variables, classroom ethnic diversity still had a marginal,

Conclusion

Previous research has shown that cross-ethnic friendships not only relate to more positive intergroup relations, but also to various positive outcomes for children, such as social competence and skills, and increased sense of safety (e.g., Graham et al., 2013, Kawabata and Crick, 2008, Lease and Blake, 2005). Our findings show that cross-ethnic friendships are common and of high quality, which imply that children may develop unique social skills by engaging in ethnically diverse relationships

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