Globalisation and acculturation

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Abstract

When groups of different cultural backgrounds and their individual members engage each other, a process of acculturation begins, leading to cultural and psychological changes in both parties. A second process (globalisation) is also initiated by intercultural contact and leads to cultural and individual change. Two long-held assumptions are that (i) these two processes induce more change among non-dominant peoples, and (ii) the eventual outcome will be the loss of distinctive cultural and behavioural features of non-dominant group members, leading to their absorption into a homogeneous society that resembles the original dominant group. The long-term outcome is thus believed to be one rather homogeneous global society, sharing beliefs, values, consumer preferences and social structures. In this paper these assumptions are challenged, employing an acculturation framework that posits highly variable cultural and psychological outcomes that follow from intergroup contact. In addition to the assimilation of non-dominant peoples into dominant societies (either within societies or internationally), this framework proposes that other outcomes are possible: integration results in the maintenance of existing cultures and behaviours while peoples engage in day-to-day interaction within an evolving civic framework; separation results in the cultural and psychological maintenance when groups and individuals avoid interaction as much as possible; and marginalisation results in cultural and psychological loss, particularly among non-dominant populations, along with their exclusion from full and equitable participation in the larger society. Examples of such variability are provided, using empirical studies of indigenous and diasporic peoples, immigrants, and nation states. It is concluded that, rather than assimilation and homogenisation resulting from intercultural contact, the more likely outcomes are either some forms of integration (exhibiting a high degree of cultural and psychological continuity and producing new social structures that incorporate interacting peoples), or separation (in the form of resistance and revitalisation of heritage cultures).

Introduction

“We can easily conceive of a time when there will be only one culture and one civilisation on the entire surface of the entire earth…I don’t believe that this will happen, because there are contradictory tendencies always at work – on the one hand towards homogenisation and on the other towards new distinctions” (Levi-Strauss, 1978, p. 20).

“The whole continent of North America appears to be destined by Divine Providence to be peopled by one nation, speaking one language, professing one general system of religious and political principles, and accustomed to one general tenor of social usages and customs” (Quincy Adams; 1811; quoted in Sidney Lens, The Forging of the American Empire (New York: Thomas Crowell, 1974, p. 3).

So, whose expectation has come to pass?

In this paper the concepts of globalisation and acculturation, and some of their relationships, are reviewed. While acculturation has been going on for milenia, and has been studied in anthropology and psychology for decades (Sam & Berry, 2006), globalisation is a relatively recent phenomenon, having been introduced to contemporary discourse by Marshall McLuhan in his book The Gutenburg Galaxy (1962). Despite their similarities, these two notions have not previously been linked; this paper attempts to do so.

Some current conceptions of globalisation are reviewed first, distinguishing between the process and the outcomes of globalisation. It is proposed that these two aspects have usually been conflated, based on the assumption that there is only one outcome to the process. This assumption has eliminated the possibility that a high degree of global involvement of societies (as a process) can have highly variable consequences for cultures, groups and individuals, rather than a single homogenised outcome. Second, some of the main features of anthropological and psychological literature on acculturation are presented, highlighting the distinction between the dimensions of contact and participation between cultural groups and individuals and the maintenance of culture and identity. These two dimensions are the basis of an acculturation strategies framework (Berry, 1974, Berry, 2005) in which cultural groups and individuals are seen as varying independently on these two dimensions. The use of two dimensions permits researchers to avoid the assumption that high contact necessarily leads to low cultural and psychological maintenance. Instead all four possibilities are available for consideration. Some of the evidence for this highly variable relationship between these two dimensions are reviewed, using empirical findings from published studies. There is no claim in this paper to represent all the available findings, nor to portray all the variations. Instead, the goal is to question the common assumption that high contact between dominant and non-dominant peoples inevitably leads to cultural and psychological loss among those who are dominated.

Section snippets

Globalisation

Although the concept of globalisation has come into widespread use, there is no single accepted definition of it. So, I adopt here one early definition to set the stage for its further elaboration:

“Globalisation refers to the multiplicity of linkages and interconnections that transcend the nation-states (and by implication the societies) which make up the modern world system. It defines a process (emphasis added) through which events, decisions, and activities in one part of the world can come

Acculturation

The concept of acculturation came into psychology from the discipline of cultural anthropology. One formulation in particular has been useful in subsequent work: “Acculturation comprehends those phenomena which result when groups of individuals having different cultures come into continuous first-hand contact, with subsequent changes in the original culture patterns of either or both groups… under this definition, acculturation is to be distinguished from culture change, of which it is but one

Acculturation strategies

The concept of acculturation strategies was introduced by Berry (1997) as an extension of the earlier concept of acculturation attitudes (Berry, 1980). This concept refers to the various ways that groups and individuals seek to acculturate. Knowledge of these variations has increased substantially in recent years (see Berry, 2003), challenging the assumption that everyone would eventually assimilate and become absorbed into the dominant group (Gordon, 1964). The notion of strategy is based on

Globalisation and acculturation: some empirical examples

If the two phenomena of globalisation and acculturation are distinct, it is legitimate and useful to ask what are the relationships between them. First, I view globalisation simply as contact that provides the starting point for acculturation. As we saw earlier, acculturation begins with contact between cultures, groups and individuals. Second, following the variations that were outlined in the discussion of acculturation strategies, we may conceive of four possible outcomes. One possibility is

Discussion and conclusions

This paper has examined the relationship between two of the main concepts that are currently employed in study of intercultural relations: globalisation and acculturation.

It has emphasised the distinction between the process of intercultural contact, and the outcomes of such contact for societies and individuals. This distinction has allowed for the possibility that high degrees of intercultural contact and engagement (often identified as the core meaning of globalisation) can have highly

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