Original articleSiblings’ appearance-related commentary, body dissatisfaction, and risky eating behaviors in young womenLes commentaires des frères ou des sœurs sur l’apparence, l’insatisfaction corporelle et les comportements alimentaires à risque chez les jeunes femmes
Introduction
Much research has been conducted to identify significant predictors of body dissatisfaction among young women given its crucial role as an antecedent of several health outcomes, such as eating disorders (e.g., Ricciardelli and McCabe, 2001, Stice and Shaw, 2002), depression (e.g., Darby, Hay, Mond, Rodgers, & Owen, 2007), social anxiety (e.g., Cash & Fleming, 2002). Body dissatisfaction is also linked to risky health behaviors, such as unhealthy eating habits (e.g., van den Berg, Thompson, Obremski-Brandon, & Coovert, 2002), excessive exercise (e.g., Darby et al., 2007), and cosmetic surgery (e.g., Matera et al., 2015a, Menzel et al., 2011, Stefanile et al., 2014). According to the Tripartite Influence model of body image (TIM; Thompson, Heinberg, Altabe, & Tantleff-Dunn, 1999), sociocultural factors like peers, the media, and family members play an important role in shaping body image. Sociocultural sources may influence body dissatisfaction levels among women through verbal comments on physical appearance, namely criticism and positive feedback (i.e., appreciation) about one's body image (Herbozo & Thompson, 2006a). Negative comments are body-related comments that are considered to be offensive, and may involve teasing and criticism (Herbozo & Thompson, 2006b). Negative comments from significant others can have detrimental effects on body image (Donovan et al., 2006, Matera et al., 2013a, Mousa et al., 2010, Slater and Tiggemann, 2011), and are associated with restrictive behavior (Paxton, Schutz, Wertheim, & Muir, 1999) and binge eating (Ata, Ludden, & Lally, 2007). Negative appearance-related feedback can increase dieting habits and binge eating among women (Bailey & Ricciardelli, 2010). For instance, a study by Lieberman, Gauvin, Bukowski, and White (2001) found that girls who reported being teased about their weight, body shape, and appearance showed higher levels of body dissatisfaction compared to girls who were not exposed to negative feedback. Moreover, negative feedback about weight appeared to be related to dieting behavior. In a meta-analysis, Menzel et al. (2010) found that teasing about weight was strongly associated with girls’ dissatisfaction with their bodies. Weight-related teasing during adolescence predicts hurtful weight-related comments in young adults (Eisenberg, Berge, Fulkerson, & Newmark-Sztainer, 2011). Several longitudinal studies have confirmed that higher levels of teasing about one's weight can lead to higher levels of body dissatisfaction (Cattarin and Thompson, 1994, Thompson et al., 1995).
Positive appearance-related feedback can also influence body image and dissatisfaction levels, although the nature of that relationship remains unclear (Bailey and Ricciardelli, 2010, Calogero et al., 2009, Herbozo et al., 2013, Herbozo and Thompson, 2006a, Herbozo and Thompson, 2006b, Herbozo and Thompson, 2009). Some studies have shown that positive feedback concerning one's weight, shape, and general appearance is related to lower levels of body dissatisfaction and greater self-esteem (Herbozo and Thompson, 2006a, Herbozo and Thompson, 2006b, Herbozo and Thompson, 2009). Conversely, other research reveals a negative correlation between positive feedback and body dissatisfaction levels (Calogero et al., 2009). According to Calogero et al. (2009), positive feedback might make more salient the perception that an individual's appearance is under constant scrutiny, particularly with regard to the ideals ubiquitously promoted by the mass media. In turn, this process could have a negative impact on girls’ body image and self-esteem.
Body mass index (BMI) plays a significant role in influencing the frequency of positive and negative remarks among women (Herbozo & Thompson, 2006a). Herbozo et al. (2013) found that overweight and obese women were likely to experience more negative and less positive feedback about their weight and shape compared to underweight and normal weight women. Some research found that weight status could affect the comments that women receive with respect to their appearance and the way in which such feedback could influence body image and eating habits (Herbozo et al., 2013). A higher frequency of negative comments was associated with greater eating concerns in underweight, normal weight, and overweight women and with greater eating restraint in overweight women, whereas a higher frequency of positive feedback was related to lower levels of body dissatisfaction, independent of women's weight status (Herbozo et al., 2013).
Social comparison appears to be a crucial process for shaping women's body image; according to the TIM (Thompson et al., 1999), sociocultural factors might influence body image and eating concerns via social comparison and internalization processes. Much empirical evidence suggests that a positive relation exists between social comparison and women's body dissatisfaction (Cattarin et al., 2000, Engeln-Maddox, 2005, Keery et al., 2004, Matera et al., 2013a, Myers and Crowther, 2009, Posavac et al., 2001, Shroff and Thompson, 2006, Tiggemann and McGill, 2004, van den Berg et al., 2002). Moreover, verbal appearance-related comments appear to be associated with social comparison; specifically, a positive correlation exists between teasing and both the internalization of ideals of thinness and appearance-related social comparisons (Keery et al., 2004, Nerini et al., 2014, Shroff and Thompson, 2006). Bailey and Ricciardelli (2010) found that negative statements were related to more frequent upward comparisons, which in turn emerged as important predictors of body concern and eating disorders. According to the authors, these findings suggest that the thin-ideal images proposed by the mass media to which women are continuously exposed give considerable salience to such a body ideal, which could thus become a widespread social standard (Bailey and Ricciardelli, 2010, Strahan et al., 2006).
According to the TIM (Thompson et al., 1999), peers, media, and family members play an important role in the onset and maintenance of body image and eating disorders. Among these, greater consideration has been given to media and peers, including in the Italian context where the present study was conducted (e.g., Dakanalis et al., 2014, Nerini, 2015, Stefanile et al., 2015), while the study of family influence has received less attention. Nevertheless, verbal comments and criticism constitute a widespread reality in the familial context, which can influence dissatisfaction with one's body image and harmful eating habits among women (Eisenberg et al., 2011, Eisenberg et al., 2012, Kluck, 2010, Rodgers, 2012). Negative appearance-related feedback from family members is associated with low self-esteem, high thin-ideal internalization, and depressive symptoms (Menzel et al., 2010).
Within the family, siblings are particularly likely to affect one's development and growth (Conger & Kramer, 2010), and may be a unique source of influence. Specifically, siblings play a significant role in shaping females’ body image because they represent relevant sources of information about the broader social context (Schaefer & Blodgett Salafia, 2014). Appearance-related teasing by siblings is related to body concern among adolescent girls (Schaefer & Blodgett Salafia, 2014). Moreover, sisters’ modeling influences directly affect bulimic and restrictive behaviors among women (Coomber & King, 2008). Finally, weight perceptions and concerns of girls are related to their siblings’ outlooks on weight (Christensen, 2014, McHale et al., 2001).
Keery, Boutelle, van den Berg, and Thompson (2005) suggested that women who were teased by at least one sibling showed greater dissatisfaction with their body image, higher levels of social comparison, internalization of thin body ideals, depression, bulimic and restrictive behaviors, and lower levels of self-esteem compared to women who did not receive such negative feedback. Lev-Ari, Baumgarten-Katz, and Zohar (2014) found that comparison to sisters could influence one's body dissatisfaction and drive for thinness, even after controlling for Body Mass Index (BMI) and age. Two studies showed that sisters were likely to be highly comparable in terms of body dissatisfaction and drive for thinness, suggesting that sisters can model each other with regard to weight and body image concern (Coomber and King, 2008, Tsiantas and King, 2001). Specifically, women compare bodies with their sisters’ bodies more than they do with their parents. Consistent with the TIM (Thompson et al., 1999), the relation between sisters’ pressures and body image dissatisfaction was partially mediated by social comparison and the thin-ideal internalization (Coomber & King, 2008). Notably, Schaefer and Blodgett Salafia (2014) found that social comparison partially mediated the relation between mothers’, fathers’, siblings’, and peers’ teasing and girls’ dissatisfaction with their body image.
This study aimed to examine the relationship among siblings’ appearance-related comments, body social comparisons, body dissatisfaction, and risky eating behaviors in young women. Given that appearance-related social comparison in women increases with age (Schutz, Paxton, & Wertheim, 2002), it is particularly worthwhile to analyze this relationship in young adults rather than in pre-adolescent and adolescent girls. With respect to the relationship between body dissatisfaction and risky eating behaviors, in line with the literature (Ricciardelli and McCabe, 2001, Stice and Shaw, 2002), a direct link between these variables was posited; that is, we hypothesized that higher levels of body dissatisfaction would be associated with higher risky eating behaviors (Hypothesis 1).
With regard to the influence of verbal comments by siblings, the empirical evidence discussed above (Coomber and King, 2008, Keery et al., 2005, Lev-Ari et al., 2014, Schaefer and Blodgett Salafia, 2014, Tsiantas and King, 2001), although not abundant, does suggest that body-related social comparison could be considered a mediator of the link between siblings’ negative appearance-related feedback and both body dissatisfaction and eating behaviors. In line with those findings, we hypothesized that siblings’ negative comments could be associated with young women's appearance-related social comparisons, which could be correlated to body dissatisfaction and indirectly related to eating behaviors. Specifically, we predicted that more frequent appearance-related negative comments from siblings would increase women's tendency to compare their own with others’ bodies, which would increase body dissatisfaction levels and thus risky eating behavioral habits (Hypothesis 2).
Notably, no previous studies have investigated this mediational pattern in reference to siblings’ appearance-related positive comments. Nevertheless, it is reasonable to believe that not only negative but also positive feedback from siblings, who represent a unique source of influence due to their dual role as peers and family members, might be associated with appearance-related social comparison. Based on this consideration, our third hypothesis was that social comparison would mediate the relationship between positive comments from siblings and body dissatisfaction (Hypothesis 3). Due to inconsistent findings in research on appearance-related positive comments, a specific hypothesis concerning the sign of the correlation between positive feedback and body dissatisfaction via social comparison was not formulated. In testing these hypotheses, we controlled for participants’ BMI, considering that it would be expected to be related to both appearance-related comments and women's body dissatisfaction levels.
Section snippets
Participants
The participants were 208 young women living in Italy, aged at least 18, and having at least one sibling. The participants’ mean age was 23.15 years (SD = 3.63). Only 2.4% of the whole sample had finished middle school (8th grade), 85.1% had a high school degree (13th grade), and 8.2% had completed an undergraduate degree. Most participants (90.3%) were university students, 8.7% had a full-time job, and a small percentage of participants (1.0%) were unemployed; 7.7% were married and 92.3% were
Results
Means and standard deviations are displayed in Table 1.
With regard to siblings’ gender, the ANOVAs showed significant differences concerning PWS and NWS commentary and PGA commentary, while no difference emerged for body social comparison, body dissatisfaction, or risky eating behaviors (see Table 2).
Intercorrelations between the variables are presented in Table 3.
With respect to siblings’ different kinds of commentary, we can observe that siblings’ positive comments on general appearance and
Discussion
Previous research findings showed that family members’ and specifically siblings’ comments could have a meaningful influence on women's body image and eating disturbance. Considering the limited amount of empirical evidence on this issue, especially regarding positive comments, the present study sought to examine the relationship among siblings’ positive and negative appearance-related comments, body-related social comparison, body dissatisfaction, and risky eating behaviors in young women. A
Conclusions
Our study confirms the importance of verbal comments by siblings as variables significantly associated with body dissatisfaction and eating behaviors among young women. Specifically, siblings’ positive comments on weight and shape were associated with body dissatisfaction via social comparison, whereas negative comments were directly linked to body image concern, which in turn was related to risky eating behaviors. These findings have relevant practical implications. Because siblings have many
Disclosure of interest
The authors declare that they have no competing interest.
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