Is parenting style a context for smoking-specific parenting practices?
Introduction
Although the hazardous health consequences of smoking are well-known, adolescents continue to take up smoking, which underlines the need for insight into its explanatory factors (STIVORO—rookvrij, 2004, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 1994). The role of parents has been studied for many years and several relevant aspects of parenting behavior have emerged, including the global parenting climate in which a child is reared and smoking-specific parenting practices (e.g., Jackson and Henriksen, 1997, O’Byrne et al., 2002). According to Darling and Steinberg (1993) “Parenting style alters the parents’ capacity to socialize their children by changing the effectiveness of their parenting practices”. From this perspective, parenting style can be thought of as a contextual variable that moderates the relationship between anti-smoking parenting practices and adolescent smoking behavior. The current study tested this idea, while also accounting for smoking-related cognitions in explaining adolescent smoking behavior.
Whereas parenting style is considered to represent a global emotional climate in which a family functions, parents can also socialize their children in a more content-specific manner, whereby anti-smoking parenting practices encompass those aspects of socialization aimed at discouraging adolescent smoking (Darling and Steinberg, 1993). Previous studies have related smoking-specific practices to adolescent smoking and inconsistent patterns have emerged. Content-specific parental monitoring efforts are commonly considered key factors in explaining and deterring adolescent smoking behavior and include parent–child communication about substance use and substance-specific rules (Chilcoat and Anthony, 1996, Juon et al., 2002, Huver et al., in press-b). Parent-child communication about smoking, for example, has been favorably associated with a decrease in smoking rates (Engels and Willemsen, 2004, Fearnow et al., 1998, Chassin et al., 1998), although unfavorable effects have also been reported (Harakeh et al., 2005, Ennett et al., 2001). Furthermore, house rules about smoking in the home have been linked to a reduced risk of adolescent smoking (Jackson and Henriksen, 1997, Henriksen and Jackson, 1998, Andersen et al., 2004), but less conclusive evidence has also been found (Den Exter Blokland et al., 2006, Huver et al., 2006, Harakeh et al., 2005). In addition to these monitoring practices, the availability of cigarettes in the household has been related to increased adolescent smoking, and parental attempts to reduce availability have been shown to be beneficial (Engels et al., 2005, Engels and Willemsen, 2004, Jackson, 1997, Ma et al., 2003), although a longitudinal study failed to find any effects (Den Exter Blokland et al., 2006). Finally, parents often try to get their children to enter into non-smoking agreements by offering the prospect of rewards for non-smoking. In 2004, 27% of Dutch youths aged 10–19 engaged in some form of a non-smoking agreement (STIVORO—rookvrij, 2005), but the effectiveness of these strategies is questionable (Huver et al., 2006, Harakeh et al., 2005). Summarizing, it seems that parental socialization efforts may be beneficial in some circumstances, but the contradictory results of previous studies suggest that more insight into these circumstances is needed. Contrary to common belief, although parental modeling of smoking behavior is a major factor in their children's smoking behavior (Andrews et al., 1993, Avenevoli and Merikangas, 2003), it cannot necessarily explain these inconsistent effects of parenting practices (Jackson and Henriksen, 1997, Huver et al., in press-b).
According to Darling and Steinberg (1993), the effects of parenting practices depend on the global parenting climate. Parents can be classified as authoritative, permissive, authoritarian, rejecting, or neglectful, based on scores on the dimensions underlying the parenting style, namely support, strict control, and psychological control (Baumrind, 1971, Baumrind, 1966, Maccoby and Martin, 1983, Steinberg et al., 1989, Den Exter Blokland et al., 2001, Goossens and Beyers, 1999). First, support refers to the affective component of parenting. Second, strict control comprises general parental knowledge of children's whereabouts and active behavioral monitoring efforts undertaken to gain this knowledge (Stattin and Kerr, 2000) and has proven an important factor in adolescent smoking initiation and escalation (Steinberg et al., 1994). Psychological control refers to the intrusive and manipulative parental control over their children's psychological world, consisting of thoughts and feelings (Gray and Steinberg, 1999, Barber, 2002). Authoritative parenting and its underlying dimensions (high support, high strict control, low psychological control) have been found to have favorable effects on adolescent smoking (Huver et al., in press-a, Jackson et al., 1998, Radziszewska et al., 1996, Glendinning et al., 1997, Pierce et al., 2002, Simons Morton, 2002, O’Byrne et al., 2002, Gray and Steinberg, 1999).
In addition to aspects of parenting considered to explain adolescent smoking, social cognition theories suggest that smoking is the result of social-cognitive factors (e.g., Ajzen, 1991, Conrad et al., 1992). According to the I-Change Model (Integrated Model for Change, De Vries et al., 2003), the set of cognitions (attitude, perceived social influences and self-efficacy expectations) influences the intention to smoke, in turn predicting smoking behavior. Attitudes consist of the advantages and disadvantages a person perceives with regard to smoking. Perceived social norm is a form of social influence pertaining to perceptions of what others would expect one to do. Finally, self-efficacy has been described as the estimated ability to engage in a certain behavior (Bandura, 1986), in this case refraining from smoking. Previous studies suggest that the effects of parenting style on adolescent smoking may be mediated by these cognitive factors (Harakeh et al., 2004). In another study among the current sample, the authors examined associations of parental support, strict control, and psychological control with adolescent smoking cognitions and behavior (Huver et al., in press-a). While support was not significantly associated with smoking behavior and psychological control related directly to increased lifetime smoking, an inverse relation was found between strict control and smoking, which was partly mediated by cognitions. With respect to smoking-specific parenting, Otten et al. (in press) found that these practices, assessed by parental reactions to smoking, house rules on smoking, and communication about smoking, were indeed predictive of adolescents’ smoking-related cognitions. Associations of the frequency and content of parental communication with attitude, social norms regarding smoking, and self-efficacy have also been reported elsewhere (Huver et al., 2006). In this prospective study, aspects of parent-child communication on smoking behavior were mediated by cognitions. These findings suggest that effects of smoking-specific parenting operating on adolescent smoking behavior are mediated by smoking-related cognitions.
We propose a model (Fig. 1) to test the idea of parenting style as a context for smoking-specific parenting practices in relation to adolescent smoking cognitions and behavior. In this model, socialization is related to adolescent smoking cognitions and behavior. The model was tested for adolescents experiencing either high or low levels of parental support, strict control, or psychological control. We hypothesized that (a) parental anti-smoking socialization would be related to adolescent smoking cognitions and behavior and that (b) these relations would be moderated by the parenting climate they take place in, with anti-smoking socialization being most beneficial to adolescents experiencing the high support, high strict control and low psychological control characterizing authoritative parenting.
Section snippets
Sample and procedures
In May 2003, 482 adolescents aged 12–19 years took part in the Study of Medical Information and Lifestyles in Eindhoven (SMILE) by filling out self-administered questionnaires. SMILE is a joint project of Maastricht University and 23 family physicians from seven medical practices located in Eindhoven, a city of approximately 200,000 inhabitants situated in the southern part of the Netherlands. Family physicians provided participant addresses. The 16-page questionnaire took 30–45 min to complete,
Descriptives
The adolescents taking part in the SMILE study had a mean age of 15.35 years (S.D. = 2.02), and slightly more girls than boys (55.6%) took part in the study. Participants were mostly of Dutch origin (90.5%), and most of them indicated that they had some kind of religious background (54.4%). Never smokers made up 60.2% of the sample, 31.6% were occasional smokers and 8.2% were regular smokers. Whereas 60.2% of the respondents indicated not to have smoked any cigarettes in their lifetime, 20.2% had
Discussion
The main goal of this study was to assess whether general parenting, as assessed by support, strict control, and psychological control, could be considered a context for smoking-specific parenting practices (communication about smoking, house rules, availability of tobacco products, non-smoking agreements). A model of smoking-specific socialization and adolescent smoking cognitions and behavior was proposed, which was then compared for respondents experiencing high or low support, strict
Acknowledgement
The Study of Medical Information and Lifestyles in Eindhoven (SMILE) is not externally funded.
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