Domestic minor sex trafficking among adjudicated male youth: prevalence and links to treatment
Introduction
Domestic Minor Sex Trafficking (DMST) is legally defined as the recruitment, harboring, transportation, provision, or obtaining of US minors for the purposes of a commercial sex act (Trafficking Victims Protection Act [TVPA], P.L. 106–386). DMST also includes the exchange or acceptance of sex acts in order to meet one's basic needs (e.g., food or shelter, survival sex; Adelson, 2008). The prevalence of DMST is unknown (Stransky & Finkelhor, 2008). Extant research indicates that DMST victim/survivors often have had contact with the juvenile justice system due to the criminogenic activities inherent in their victimization (e.g., prostitution; Watson & Edelman, 2012). Furthermore, researchers have found that youth in the juvenile justice system generally have many of the risk factors associated with initial and/or continued sexual exploitation, including a history of running away, sexual abuse, poor caregiver relationships, homelessness, and drug/alcohol use (Bounds et al., 2015, Lutnik, 2016). Unfortunately, little is known about the lives and vulnerabilities of juvenile justice-involved DMST victims/survivors. Specifically, it is unclear how DMST victims/survivors in the juvenile justice system may be different from (or similar to) other adjudicated youth. This is particularly true for adjudicated male victims/survivors of DMST, about whom very little is known. Understanding ways in which adjudicated male victims/survivors of DMST are different from and/or similar to other adjudicated males may facilitate future DMST victim/survivor identification, policy development, and intervention research.
Definitions of DMST have and continue to evolve within federal and state legal systems. Prior to 2000, a U.S. minor found to be engaging in prostitution would have been arrested and treated as a delinquent (Adelson, 2008, Smith and Vardaman, 2010). However, since the passing of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA; P.L. 106–386), all US minors engaged in commercial sex acts are legally considered to be victims of DMST (Adelson, 2008, Smith and Vardaman, 2010). The TVPA defines “commercial sex act” as “any sex act on account of which anything of value is given to or received by any person” (p. 110–112; US Department of State, 2008b). In contrast to definitions of adult sex trafficking, DMST does not require the presence of force, fraud or coercion. Thus, any minor found to be trading sex for goods, services, drugs or money is a victim of DMST regardless of whether the minor is acting independently, in the presence of a trafficker/pimp, and/or complicit in the crime. State-level systems have been slow to adopt new arrest and prosecution procedures set forth in the TVPA.
Some courts might be reluctant to recognize sex trafficking in the absence of a third-party (e.g., a pimp/trafficker; Adelson, 2008). However, research and survivor narratives suggest that third-party exploitation is relatively rare (e.g., Mitchell et al., 2010, Smith et al., 2009). Instead, the majority of child sexual exploitation or sex trade appears to be facilitated by the victim's friends, family, or independently by the children themselves (Marcus et al., 2014, Mitchell et al., 2010). Although national statistics seem to indicate that prostitution arrests among minors have declined, it is unclear if that is because children are no longer being arrested for prostitution, or if children are being picked up for prostitution and being charged for parallel crimes (e.g., loitering, drug possession, truancy; U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), 2014, Lutnik, 2016). In many states, the same child may still be identified as both a delinquent and victim simultaneously for the same offense (Adelson, 2008, Lutnik, 2016).
The aftermath of DMST can be devastating to the lives of its victims. The effects of the repeated trauma and violence often include mental illness (depression, PTSD, substance abuse), as well as extensive health problems (sexually transmitted infections [STIs], injury from assault; Clawson and Goldblatt Grace, 2007, Friedman, 2005, Rand, 2009, Willis and Levy, 2002). Adult and child sex trafficking victims/survivors have been subjected to poor nutrition, dangerous working conditions, and exposure to infectious disease (Spear, 2004). Adult women who have been trafficked report high rates of health problems and infections, including STIs (Raymond & Hughes, 2001). Research on male survivors of sexual violence, including DMST are sorely lacking (Lillywhite and Skidmore, 2006, Lutnik, 2016). However, it stands to reason that health consequences for males are similar to those of female survivors (McIntyre, 2005).
Revictimization and recidivism are also important consequences of DMST. There is a documented association between adult sexual exploitation and sexual exploitation during childhood (Reid, 2011, U.S. Department of Justice, 2007). Most adult women involved in prostitution report that their commercialized sexual activity began during childhood or adolescence (Reid, 2011). In a recent study by Reid (2014), 71% of adult women who reported sexual exploitation during adolescence reported that their exploitation continued into adulthood. Even after leaving their trafficker, youth may return to their trafficker due to feelings of love (Halter, 2010) or necessity (Brittle, 2008). Notably, many exploited youth see their trafficker as a caregiver (Lutnik, 2016). The average age of a minor's first involvement in sexual exploitation is prior to 14 years (Rand, 2009, U.S. Department of Justice, 2007). Thus, many children are involved in DMST before they have had an opportunity to complete high school, vocational training, or obtain a collegiate degree (Hardy, Compton, & McPhatter, 2013). A lack of formal education/training may limit job prospects, making the sale or trade of sex a viable means of meeting an individual's daily needs (e.g., food and shelter; Lutnik, 2016).
Anecdotal and research evidence suggests that DMST victims exist in the juvenile justice system (Watson & Edelman, 2012). The known risk factors for DMST involvement are criminogenic and often result in juvenile justice involvement (e.g., drug use, truancy, running away; Watson & Edelman, 2012). Unfortunately, many juvenile justice employees do not screen for DMST, which not only limits victim identification but also hinders accurate data collection and prevalence estimates (Roe-Sepowitz, Bracy, Massengale, Cantelme, & Ward, 2015). Knowledge of DMST-specific risk factors is an important first-step in accurate victim identification and treatment provision. Although extant research is limited, there are a few risk factors that appear to be salient to DMST involvement.
Research suggests that the crucial age range of vulnerability for experiencing DMST lies between age 10 and 17 years (Estes, 2004, National Clearinghouse on Families and Youth, 2005, U.S. Department of Justice, 2007, Willis and Levy, 2002). On average, biologically male youth and transgender youth are initiated into DMST between the ages of 11–13, while biologically female youth enter later - between the ages of 12–14 (Clawson et al., 2009, McIntyre, 2005). Although experts agree on the critical age range of DMST victims, the available research has not yet been able to determine clearly to what extent male youth are likely to be vulnerable to and to experience DMST relative to female youth. For example, Curtis, Terry, Dank, Dombrowski, and Khan (2008) found almost equal rates of exploitation among both male and female youth in New York City (Curtis et al., 2008). By contrast, a national study on juvenile prostitution reported that 69% of the youth involved in prostitution were female and 31% male (Finkelhor & Ormrod, 2004). Finally, the U.S. Department of State (2008a) reported that males comprised only 2% of the DMST population nationally. Such diverse findings highlight the need for further research. The exact prevalence of DMST by biological sex and/or gender remains unknown.
Substance misuse is also a common and serious problem for victims of sex trafficking. However, it is unclear if substance misuse is a cause and/or effect of trafficking among children. For examples, adolescents with existing substance abuse problems may be especially vulnerable to traffickers. Such adolescents often are in need of necessities such as clothing, shelter, and/or resources to obtain their drug of choice (Watson & Edelman, 2012). Conversely, adolescents without a history of substance misuse may begin using substances once they are trafficked either by force (e.g., a method of control for their trafficker; Clawson et al., 2009), or as a means of coping with their trafficking experiences (Raymond & Hughes, 2001).
A considerable amount of research has focused on exploring the relationship between childhood sexual abuse by a caregiver and subsequent sexual exploitation (Estes and Weiner, 2002, Gragg et al., 2007, Finkelhor and Ormrod, 2004, Friedman, 2005, McIntyre, 2005). However, results from this research reveal mixed results. Specifically, while some researchers have found childhood sexual abuse by a caregiver to be significantly related to sexual exploitation (e.g., Estes and Weiner, 2002, Finkelhor and Ormrod, 2004, Friedman, 2005, Gragg et al., 2007), other researchers assert that children exposed to sexual abuse are not more likely to experience exploitation than their non-sexually-abused peers (e.g., Lutnik et al., 2014, McClanahan et al., 1999, Warf et al., 2013).
Overall, sexual abuse is more common among adjudicated male youth than male youth in the general population (16% vs. 5.1%, respectively; Finkelhor et al., 2014, Seto and Lalumière, 2010). A recent meta-analysis reveals that male youth adjudicated for sexual crimes have an even higher rate of reported sexual abuse (46%; Seto & Lalumière, 2010). Importantly, children may be trafficked by family/caregivers (Mitchell et al., 2010, Smith et al., 2009), and trafficking may be happening concurrently with other forms of familial sexual abuse. Thus, these mixed results may be a result of child sexual abuse acting as a proxy for DMST, or vice versa. In light of such mixed evidence, it is unclear whether childhood sexual abuse by a primary caregiver is a significant risk factor for DMST.
Sexual discomfort is defined as a preoccupation and conflict with sexuality, and is more prevalent in individuals with histories of childhood sexual abuse (Zakireh, Ronis, & Knight, 2008). This may be due to the conflict between sexual gratification and emotional and/or physical safety that is often present for survivors of sexual abuse (Zakireh et al., 2008). Furthermore, individuals with more acute histories of sexual grooming may have higher levels of sexual discomfort. Individuals with high levels of sexual discomfort may have difficulty fostering and experiencing healthy sexual relationships (Tyler et al., 2000, Paolucci et al., 2001).
Very little is known about the prevalence of DMST victimization among adjudicated populations of youth. Further, information about DMST victimization among male youth is lacking. No study to our knowledge has examined the prevalence of DMST victimization among adjudicated male youth. To address this gap in research, our team conducted an exploratory secondary data analyses to explore DMST among male youth adjudicated for sexual and non-sexual offenses. Male youth adjudicated for sexual offenses have high rates of sexual abuse by a primary caregiver - a potential risk factor for future sexual exploitation (Seto & Lalumière, 2010). Therefore, our initial hypothesis was that youth adjudicated for sexual offenses may be at a high risk for sexual exploitation. In addition to exploring the prevalence of DMST among an adjudicated sample of male youth, our study aims to investigate the underlying relationships between DMST victimization among adjudicated male youth and childhood sexual abuse, substance misuse, and sexual discomfort.
Section snippets
Data collection procedures
The cross-sectional data used in the current study were collected from adjudicated, residentially-based male youth (N = 800). All data for the current study were initially gathered to explore characteristics of male youth adjudicated for sexual and non-sexual offenses in two states between 2004 and 2009. Data were collected to glean information from youth that would provide insight into treatment needs. Graduate students administered paper and pencil surveys to small groups of youth. Study
Descriptive results
Among participants who responded to the question that asks for DMST victimization (83.9%, n = 671), > 10% (10.4%, n = 70) of the adjudicated adolescent males reported DMST victimization prior to their arrest. On average, participants had a score of 10.6 (SD = 5.9) on the CTQ Sexual Abuse subscale. More than one-third of the sample (68.8%, n = 495) endorsed at least one item on the CTQ Sexual Abuse subscale.
Further, the average score of the MACI Substance Abuse Proneness subscale and the MACI Sexual
Discussion
Previous literature has failed to examine DMST victimization among adjudicated populations. In addition, DMST among male youth is under explored. The current exploratory study investigates the prevalence and co-morbid factors associated with DMST victimization among a unique sample of male youth adjudicated for sexual and non-sexual offenses. This study found that childhood sexual abuse, substance misuse, and sexual discomfort were associated with DMST victimization among this vulnerable
Acknowledgements
We acknowledge the Social Work Academic Criminality Collaboration for their feedback on an earlier version of this manuscript.
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