From delinquency to the perpetration of child maltreatment: Examining the early adult criminal justice and child welfare involvement of youth released from juvenile justice facilities
Introduction
Acquiring a comprehensive picture of how juvenile delinquents fare once they leave the auspices of the juvenile justice system is crucial to the development and implementation of effective rehabilitation services. Unfortunately, while it is clear that many youth who offend as adolescents will continue to engage in criminal activity as adults (Colman et al., 2009, Eggleston and Laub, 2002, Ezell and Cohen, 2005), far less is known about how these high-risk youth behave in other areas relevant to healthy adult functioning. Intent on documenting adult criminal involvement, researchers have largely ignored the extent to which youth with histories of delinquency engage in other less publicly visible, but equally problematic types of adult antisocial behavior, such as child maltreatment.
Yet, both developmental theory and delinquency research suggest that youth served by the juvenile justice system may be at risk for the perpetration of abuse and neglect. While it has been well documented that crime often begets crime, longitudinal studies of human development indicate that how antisocial tendencies are expressed may also vary over time and across contexts (e.g., Broidy et al., 2003, Huesmann et al., 1984, Pajer, 1998, Sampson and Laub, 1990). Known as “heterotypic continuity”, this concept refers to the notion that a single, underlying trait may give rise to different types of behaviors as individuals mature, encounter new social contexts, and take on new social roles. Thus, individuals who commit street-based crimes as teens may go on to engage in more family-centered forms of antisocial behavior (e.g., intimate partner violence and child maltreatment) as they enter young adulthood, establish romantic partnerships, and begin to form families of their own.
Consistent with this hypothesis, findings from two longitudinal studies indicate that individuals with histories of juvenile delinquency are more likely than their less antisocial peers to engage in family violence in adulthood. In the Dunedin Multidisciplinary Health and Development Study, both aggressive delinquency and juvenile police contact significantly predicted physically abusive behavior toward romantic partners in adulthood (Moffitt & Caspi, 1999). Likewise, Giordano and colleagues found girls' and boys' self-reported level of delinquent activity in adolescence to be significantly related to engagement in relationship violence ten years later (Giordano, Millhollin, Cernkovich, Pugh, & Rudolph, 1999). Although the extent to which these findings extend to violence toward children has not been explored, recent work examining the overlap between different types of family-based violence suggests that intimate partner violence and child maltreatment often go hand in hand. Hazen, Connelly, Kelleher, Lansverk, and Barth (2004) analyzed data from the National Survey of Child and Adolescent Well-Being (NSCAW), a probability study of U.S. children involved in child protective services investigations, and found that nearly half of all female caregivers reported for childhood maltreatment also experienced relationship violence at some point in their lifetime.
Moreover, many correlates of juvenile delinquency are also known risk factors for the perpetration of child maltreatment, suggesting that the level of maltreatment risk found within delinquent samples may be particularly high. Indeed, retrospective studies examining the early histories of known juvenile offenders indicate that one-third to two-thirds of youth involved in delinquency have themselves experienced some form of childhood maltreatment (Wiebush, Freitag, & Baird, 2001), placing them at greater risk for later perpetration. Although the association is far from deterministic, numerous studies have shown that individuals who experience maltreatment as children are significantly more likely than their non-maltreated peers to become abusive and neglectful parents later in life (Dixon et al., 2005, Egeland et al., 1988, Kaufman and Zigler, 1987, Pears and Capaldi, 2001).
High rates of early childbearing in delinquent samples may also increase the likelihood that youth with histories of delinquency will maltreat in early adulthood. In the Denver Youth and Rochester Youth Development studies, pregnancy rates by age 17 were high (42% and 29% respectively, particularly among girls involved in some form of delinquent activity (Huizinga, Loeber, & Thornberry, 1993). The proportion of boys heavily involved in delinquent activity who became fathers by age 20 was also considerable, with estimates from two longitudinal studies ranging from 19% to 47% (Thornberry, Wei, Stouthamer-Loeber, & Van Dyke, 2000). As teen parents cope less effectively with the stresses associated with parenting and engage in harsh/punitive parenting practices more often than mature parents (George and Lee, 1997, Stier et al., 1993), early transitions into parenting roles may increase both opportunity and risk for engaging in child maltreatment.
Finally, other problems frequently found in delinquency samples—mental health disorders (Cauffman et al., 1998, Teplin et al., 2002, Ulzen and Hamilton, 1998), substance abuse (McClelland, Teplin, & Abram, 2004), and post-release employment difficulties (Bullis et al., 2002, Sampson and Laub, 1990)—may also interfere with youth's ability to successfully transition into healthy caregiving roles. Both population and clinical-based studies of child maltreatment consistently report higher rates of mental health disorders and substance use among parents who maltreat (Debellis et al., 2001, Kelleher et al., 1994, Walsh et al., 2003). Similarly, unemployment rates and financial hardship have been linked to harsh parental behavior and higher child maltreatment rates in numerous child welfare studies (Gillham et al., 1998, McLoyd et al., 1994).
In short, findings from the various lines of research reviewed above suggest that the family sphere represents a likely, albeit largely unexamined, context for the expression of antisocial behavior in early adulthood. Research examining how youth with histories of delinquency fare within this domain is therefore needed in order to gain a more comprehensive picture of these youth's early adult functioning.
In particular, exploring the extent to which youth with histories of delinquency become abusive and neglectful caregivers may help to broaden our understanding of the long-term consequences and costs of female delinquency. Studies examining criminal recidivism rates among known offenders typically find that women are less likely than men to reoffend (Benda, 2005, Cottle et al., 2001, Langan and Levin, 2002, Mazerolle et al., 2000, Minor et al., 2008, Soothill et al., 2003). This finding is often taken to indicate that female offenders are less persistent in their antisocial behavior than male offenders, and hence of lesser societal concern.
However, it is also possible that differences in adult gender roles simply alter the landscape in which men and women have the opportunity to misbehave. Women are more likely than men to live with children and spend considerably more time engaged in caregiving tasks than their male counterparts (Fields, 2003, Kreider, 2008, Zick and Bryant, 1996). Consequently, while this greater pull toward family responsibilities may play a potentially influential role in fostering women's desistence from crime as some research suggests (Broidy and Cauffman, 2006, Graham and Bowling, 1995, Rumgay, 2004), it may also serve to create new family-based opportunities for deviance that are simply less likely to trigger the attention of the criminal justice system. Indeed, research from both criminology and child welfare indicates that women's misbehavior is more likely than men's to center around the home. Women are more likely than men to target their violent behavior toward intimates, parents, and family members (Franke et al., 2002, Greenfeld and Snell, 1999, Snyder and Sickmund, 2006, Zahn et al., 2008) and are more likely to be identified as perpetrators of abuse and neglect within the general population (Sedlak & Broadhurst, 1996). Thus while it appears that girls with histories of delinquency are less persistent in their antisocial behavior than their male counterparts, the veracity of this assertion may depend upon the context in which youth's behavior is examined. Apparent differences between boys' and girls' behavior may be reduced, or even disappear, if we expand our exploration of adult deviance to include abusive and neglectful acts within the family domain. Cross-domain research aimed at simultaneously documenting boys' and girls' involvement in multiple forms of adult antisocial behavior, such as crime and family violence, is therefore needed to help determine how sex and context interact to shape our understanding of adult outcomes.
In hopes of providing a more comprehensive picture of the long-term functioning of youth with histories of delinquency, the present study examines the extent to which male and female youth served by the juvenile justice system engage in both child maltreatment and crime during their early adult years. Three core aims guide our research. First, as little is currently known about how youth with histories of delinquency behave within the family domain, we begin by providing gender-specific information on the prevalence, frequency, and type of youth's adult involvement with child protective services (CPS) up to age 28. We then briefly describe youth's criminal involvement during this same period and explore whether involvement in adult antisocial behavior varies across domain and sex. Specifically, we hypothesize that girls with histories of delinquency will be more likely than boys with histories of delinquency to become perpetrators of child abuse and neglect, while boys with histories of delinquency will be more likely than girls with histories of delinquency to enter the adult criminal justice system.
Third, we explore how knowledge of maltreatment outcomes adds to our understanding of the prevalence and scope of adult antisocial behavior within delinquent samples by describing patterns of cross-system involvement in early adulthood in a sample of youth released from juvenile justice facilities. How many of these youth avoid contact with the adult criminal justice system, but go on to maltreat the children under their care? How many offend in both domains? Do patterns of cross-systems involvement vary by gender and, if so, what are the theoretical and practical implications of these differences?
Section snippets
Research design
To answer these questions, we use existing state research, child welfare, and criminal justice databases to identify and prospectively track a large sample of male and female youth served by the NYS juvenile justice system in the early 1990s. Participants' names are drawn from a research database originally created to examine short-term criminal recidivism rates among known juvenile offenders (Frederick, 1999). As part of that study, a comprehensive list of juvenile delinquents (n = 7465; 849
Perpetration of abuse and neglect
Consistent with notions of heterotypic continuity and study hypotheses, sample youth were highly likely to come into contact with CPS during their early adult years, generating over 1300 maltreatment investigations during the follow-up period. As shown in Table 1, 62% of girls released from juvenile justice facilities were named as an alleged perpetrator of abuse and neglect in at least one CPS investigation prior to age 28. Prevalence of alleged perpetration was lower among sample boys, but
Discussion
In an effort to add to current understanding of the long-term consequences of juvenile delinquency, the present study examined the extent to which youth released from juvenile justice facilities engage in two socially significant behaviors in early adulthood: the perpetration of child maltreatment and crime. Findings add to a growing body of research linking criminal justice and child welfare populations (e.g., Johnson-Reid and Barth, 2000, Phillips et al., 2004, Phillips and Gleeson, 2007,
Acknowledgments
This research was supported by award no. 2006-IJ-CX-0014 awarded by the National Institute of Justice Programs, US Department of Justice. Criminal arrest data were provided by the New York State Division of Criminal Justice Services (NYS DCJS). Incarceration data were provided by the New York State Department of Correctional Services (NYS DOCS). The opinions, findings, methods of analysis, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not
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Present address: 535 School of Politics and Economics, Kyung Hee University, Heogi1-dong, Dongdaemun-gu, Seoul, Republic of Korea.