Longitudinal examination of peer and partner influences on gender-specific pathways from child abuse to adult crime

Abstract

Research provides increasing evidence of the association of child abuse with adult antisocial behavior. However, less is known about the developmental pathways that underlie this association. Building on the life course model of antisocial behavior, the present study examined possible developmental pathways linking various forms of child abuse (physical, emotional, sexual) to adult antisocial behavior. These pathways include child and adolescent antisocial behavior, as well as adulthood measures of partner risk taking, warmth, and antisocial peer influences. Data are from the Lehigh Longitudinal Study, a prospective longitudinal study examining long-term developmental outcomes subsequent to child maltreatment. Participant families in the Lehigh Longitudinal Study were followed from preschool age into adulthood. Analyses of gender differences addressed the consistency of path coefficients across genders. Results for 297 adult participants followed from early childhood showed that, for both genders, physical and emotional child abuse predicted adult crime indirectly through child and adolescent antisocial behavior, as well as adult partner and antisocial peer influences. However, for females, having an antisocial partner predicted an affiliation with antisocial peers, and that in turn predicted adult crime. For males, having an antisocial partner was associated with less partner warmth, which in turn predicted an affiliation with antisocial peers, itself a proximal predictor of adult crime. Sexual abuse also predicted adolescent antisocial behavior, but only for males, supporting what some have called “a delayed-onset pathway” for females, whereby the exposure to early risks produce much later developmental outcomes.

Introduction

Child abuse is a well-established risk factor for later social, emotional, and behavioral problems over the life course (Cicchetti and Lynch, 1995, Herrenkohl, 2011, Masten et al., 2005, Rogosch et al., 2010, Wildeman et al., 2014). Research has shown that child abuse is a particularly salient risk factor for antisocial behavior and adult crime (Allwood and Widom, 2013, Jung et al., 2015, Klika et al., 2012, Thornberry et al., 2010, Widom and Maxfield, 2001). For example, using prospective data from a sample (N = 1,196) in a metropolitan area in the Midwest, Widom and Maxfield (2001) identified an association between child abuse and adult crime later in adulthood. In fact, 42% of the participants in that study who had been physically or sexually abused and neglected as children were arrested for crimes in adulthood (up to age 33), compared to about 33% of the matched controls. Additionally, Moffitt and Caspi (2001) found that abusive parenting practices, such as smacking or hitting a child, and depriving a child of necessities, not only predicted more crime in adulthood, but also more serious and persistent crime over many years.

While findings like these have helped establish a link between child abuse, particularly physical and sexual abuse, and later crime and criminal involvement during adulthood, the developmental pathways that underlie this link are not well understood (Bender, 2010, Burnette et al., 2012, Cullerton-Sen et al., 2008, Herrenkohl et al., 2003). There is some evidence that child abuse increases the early onset of conduct problems and that these problems, once established, can lead to more serious forms of antisocial behavior (e.g., delinquency and crime) as children transition through adolescence into adulthood (Cullerton-Sen et al., 2008, Herrenkohl et al., 2005, Jaffee et al., 2004, Klika et al., 2012, Loeber and Farrington, 2000, Maxfield and Widom, 1996, Moffitt and Caspi, 2001, Smith and Thornberry, 1995, Topitzes et al., 2011). As one example, Widom, Schuck, and White (2006) found that child abuse and neglect predicted adolescent antisocial behavior and that adolescent antisocial behavior predicted later violent crime.

The life course model of antisocial behavior posited by Sampson and Laub (Sampson and Laub, 1990, Sampson and Laub, 1993, Sampson and Laub, 1997, Simons et al., 2002) helps explain how early antisocial behavior, as a consequence of child abuse, can lead to adult crime. According to the theory, early onset of antisocial behavior weakens a child's bond to prosocial others, which tends to deter delinquency and crime. Unrestrained by prosocial bonds, and possibly reinforced by antisocial peers, that child's behavior can progress to more serious forms of antisocial behavior, if not remediated. Sampson and Laub proposed that the relative salience of different socializing units varies across developmental periods (Sampson and Laub, 1990, Sampson and Laub, 1993) and that antisocial behavior is tied to how a child is socialized over time. As a child grows older, socializing influences of the family give way to peers and adults outside the home. While there is individual variability in how this dynamic unfolds during adulthood, it is expected that spouses and intimate partners are particularly influential at this time (Capaldi et al., 2008, Jaffee et al., 2013, Rhule-Louie and McMahon, 2007, Sampson and Laub, 1990, Sampson and Laub, 1993, Sampson et al., 2006, Simons et al., 2002). This basic proposition—that antisocial partners and the quality of romantic relationships influence crime to a greater extent in adulthood than do others—has been empirically supported in several studies: their own (Sampson and Laub, 1990, Sampson and Laub, 1993, Sampson et al., 2006) and those of others (Capaldi et al., 2008, Jaffee et al., 2013, Rhule-Louie and McMahon, 2007, Simons et al., 2002).

In addition, an emerging understanding in the crime literature highlights the role of peers in the continuity of antisocial behavior. There have been many studies of antisocial peer influences on delinquency and crime among adolescents (Dishion et al., 1996, Gifford-Smith et al., 2005, Matsueda and Anderson, 1998, Thomas and McGloin, 2013), but relatively few of peer influences on adult crime (Capaldi et al., 2008, Simons et al., 2002, Warr, 1998, Wright et al., 2001). There are, however, a few studies on the topic worthy of mention. For example, Wright et al. (2001) found that antisocial peer influences were associated with increased criminal involvement at age 21 among participants of the Dunedin Multidisciplinary Health and Development Study. Using data from a community-based sample of 206 young men at risk for delinquency, Capaldi and colleagues (2008) found that having antisocial peers predicted more criminal arrests during young adulthood, even after accounting for partner influences. These findings raise the possibility that peer influences may play as much a role as do spouses and other intimate partners in promoting crime in adults, although this proposition has not been tested, particularly in the context of child abuse experience.

In one study, Simons et al. (2002) investigated a developmental pathway for antisocial behavior that conceptually links early onset antisocial behaviors, antisocial adult partners, the quality of adult romantic relationships, and antisocial peers. In that study, informed by the notion of “assortative mating” (Knight, 2011, Rhule-Louie and McMahon, 2007), Simons and colleagues proposed that individuals who have a history of early antisocial behavior will develop intimate relationships in adulthood with others who have a similar behavior history. Furthermore, they posited that individuals in an intimate relationship with an antisocial partner are likely to experience less support from their partner, since antisocial partners “are likely to be self-centered and difficult, thereby decreasing the chances of a committed, supportive relationship.” As a result, it is expected that the poor quality of this intimate relationship will promote and reinforce crime in those already so inclined. Romantic partners are also, according to the authors, expected to predict adult criminal behavior indirectly by influencing other relationships in an individual's social circle, including peers. In the same study, they reported empirical evidence supporting the proposed path. Yet, very little is known about whether the pathways articulated by Simons et al. (2002) may explain the influence of partners and peers during adulthood on antisocial behavior, particularly beyond the normative peak age that is triggered by child abuse measured many years earlier.

Building on the life-course model of antisocial behavior and the prior studies discussed above, the current investigation focuses on the life course process of antisocial behavior as the developmental pattern underlying the link between physical, emotional, and sexual child abuse and crime during adulthood. Specifically, we hypothesize that child abuse of various forms will increase an individual's initial vulnerability to antisocial behavior during childhood, which is in line with prior empirical studies (Allwood and Widom, 2013, Jung et al., 2015, Klika et al., 2012, Thornberry et al., 2010, Widom and Maxfield, 2001, Widom et al., 2006). Antisocial behavior during childhood that is triggered by child abuse will, in turn, predict antisocial behavior in adolescence, as suggested by the life course model of antisocial behavior introduced earlier (Loeber and Farrington, 2000, Sampson and Laub, 1990, Sampson and Laub, 1993, Sampson and Laub, 1997). Adolescent antisocial behavior is hypothesized to predict an individual's affiliation with an antisocial partner during adulthood, which will, in turn, predict quality of romantic relationship, assessed in our study as partners’ warmth, as informed by “assortative mating” (Knight, 2011, Rhule-Louie and McMahon, 2007) and Simons’ conceptualization of the relationship between antisocial partners and quality of romantic relationships (Simons et al., 2002) discussed above. Building on discussions of a link between partner and peers during adulthood (Capaldi et al., 2008, Simons et al., 2002, Warr, 1998, Wright et al., 2001), a partner's warmth is hypothesized to influence an individual's affiliation with antisocial peers, which ultimately predicts crime and criminal involvement during adulthood.

Findings of several published studies point to possible gender differences in the association between child abuse and crime (Bender, 2010, Daly and Chesney-Lind, 1988, Fagan, 2001, Howell, 2003, Johansson and Kempf-Leonard, 2009, Silverthorn and Frick, 1999). Unfortunately, the knowledge base on gender differences remains generally lacking and often mixed—either at a conceptual level or an empirical level (Bender, 2010, Burnette et al., 2012, Cullerton-Sen et al., 2008, Fagan, 2001, Herrenkohl et al., 2008, Herrera and McCloskey, 2001, Widom et al., 2006). Some have conceptualized that child abuse is a more salient “gendered” predictor of antisocial behavior in the sense that child abuse is a potent risk factor, particularly for girls’ involvement in antisocial behaviors (Chesney-Lind and Shelden, 2004, Giordano et al., 2006). Supporting this notion, Burnette et al. (2012) found that harsh parenting (which, in the extreme, qualifies as child abuse) was a statistically significant predictor of adolescent antisocial behavior for girls but not for boys. Furthermore, some have noted that such “gendered” influence of child abuse on girls’ antisocial behavior may differ by abuse type. For example, Cullerton-Sen et al. (2008) reported that there were no gender differences with respect to the impact of physical abuse on adolescent aggression, whereas sexual abuse predicted relational aggression only for girls.

On the other hand, it has been also posited that child abuse is a more salient “gendered” predictor of antisocial behaviors in boys. For example, Chodorow, among others, has suggested that abused girls will be more inclined than boys to internalize the stress and emotional hardship of being maltreated because they are socialized to direct their feelings inward. When exposed to risk, girls react by becoming depressed or anxious, whereas boys, socialized to be more confrontational and outwardly aggressive, will routinely show their emotional pain through behaviors that bring them into contact with law enforcement (Broidy and Agnew, 1997, Zahn, 2009). Supporting this notion of gender differences in socialization, Widom (1998) found that boys exposed to child abuse were more likely to be involved in antisocial behavior than girls. To add to the complexity, Moffitt, Caspi, Rutter, and Silva (2001) reported that harsh parenting increased adolescent antisocial behaviors for both genders.

Further, there has been some suggestive evidence that gender differences exist not only in the main relationship between child abuse and antisocial behavior but also its intervening developmental pathways. For example, it has been noted that the adverse consequences of child abuse might surface at different developmental periods for males and females. Silverthorn and Frick (1999) proposed a “delayed-onset pathway” for females, whereby antisocial behavior begins later for females. Consistent with this perspective, Topitzes et al. (2011) found that child maltreatment predicted juvenile delinquency for males, leading to adult arrests at age 24. The same study found that, for females, child maltreatment was not predictive of juvenile delinquency, but it was predictive of adult arrest. Widom et al. (2006) reported that child physical or sexual abuse (coupled with child neglect) were predictive of early aggression and later violent arrests for males but not for females, although there was no evidence of a “delayed-onset pathway” necessarily for females as there was in the Topitzes study.

Potential gender differences with respect to partner influences on adult antisocial behavior have been also noted and tested in multiple empirical studies and findings are often mixed; that is, some studies have found that the association of antisocial partners and adult criminal behavior is stronger for females (Simons et al., 2002, van Schellen et al., 2012), whereas others show that males are influenced more (King et al., 2007, Rhule-Louie and McMahon, 2007). To add to the confusion, certain studies suggest that the influence of romantic relationships on antisocial behavior does not differ across two genders (Allwood & Widom, 2013). Potential gender differences have been also proposed with respect to antisocial peer influence on adult antisocial behavior but have been examined in a very limited way (Simons et al., 2002, Warr, 1998). In particular, Bender (2010) proposed that peer factors are likely more relevant for males’ antisocial behaviors when there is a history of child maltreatment. However, the hypothesis appears not to have been tested empirically, suggesting the need for more inquiry into the issues and dynamics already mentioned (Topitzes et al., 2011).

Building on our current knowledge base, we generated four gender-specific hypothesized pathways from child abuse to adult crime. Given that theoretical conceptualization on this topic is still emerging and empirical findings on this topic are often mixed (Bender, 2010, Burnette et al., 2012, Cullerton-Sen et al., 2008, Fagan, 2001, Herrenkohl et al., 2008, Herrera and McCloskey, 2001), our gender difference hypotheses include non-directional hypotheses, and even when a direction for each hypothesis will be stated, they are exploratory in nature.

H1

Guided by discussions about potential gender differences in the degree of the association between child abuse and adult crime (Bender, 2010, Daly and Chesney-Lind, 1988, Fagan, 2001, Howell, 2003, Johansson and Kempf-Leonard, 2009, Silverthorn and Frick, 1999) and findings from Cullerton-Sen et al. (2008), we hypothesized that (a) sexual abuse will have a direct impact on antisocial behavior for females but not for males, and (b) there will be no gender differences with respect to the impact of physical and emotional abuse.

H2

Building on the conceptual notion of a “delayed-onset pathway” among females with a child abuse history and its related studies (Silverthorn and Frick, 1999, Topitzes et al., 2011, Widom et al., 2006) and findings from Cullerton-Sen et al. (2008), we hypothesized that the impact of sexual abuse on either child or adolescent antisocial behavior will be stronger for males whereas for females its influence will be delayed to adulthood.

H3

Building on suggestive empirical evidence indicating divergent influence of partners on antisocial behavior across genders in a crime literature (Allwood and Widom, 2013, King et al., 2007, Rhule-Louie and McMahon, 2007, Simons et al., 2002, van Schellen et al., 2012), we hypothesized that the relative salience of partner-related characteristics, including partner's risk-taking behavior and warmth, will differ across genders either as partners directly promote or limit adult antisocial behavior, or as they indirectly predict adult antisocial behavior by influencing peers.

H4

Consistent with a prior conceptual discussion (Bender, 2010) in the context of child abuse history, we hypothesized that affiliation with antisocial peers will have a stronger association with increased criminal involvement among males compared to their female counterparts.

Fig. 1 visually presents a model of hypothesized pathways linking child abuse to adult crime, and the dotted lines represent the four gender-specific hypotheses listed above. Given that the current knowledge base in the topic area of gender differences is yet to be consolidated, gender differences in all the remaining paths were also tested and reported in the current study.