Elsevier

Computers in Human Behavior

Volume 84, July 2018, Pages 220-229
Computers in Human Behavior

Full length article
Satisfaction and frustration of basic psychological needs in the real world and in video games predict internet gaming disorder scores and well-being

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2018.02.034Get rights and content

Highlights

  • IGD was highest when need satisfaction was low in the real world but high in games.

  • Need frustration in the real world and video games positively predicted IGD scores.

  • Real-world need satisfaction and frustration consistently predicted well-being.

  • Video game need satisfaction and frustration inconsistently predicted well-being.

Abstract

The need-density hypothesis proposes that pathological gaming is most likely to occur when satisfaction of three basic human needs (competence, autonomy, relatedness) is low in the real world but high in video games. Our study tested this hypothesis to determine whether real-world need satisfaction and video game need satisfaction independently predict internet gaming disorder scores (IGD). We also assessed the effects of need frustration in both domains. As expected, we found strong support for the need-density hypothesis in terms of need satisfaction. Unexpectedly, need frustration in both domains was positively associated with IGD scores. A second goal of our study was to determine how the satisfaction and frustration of needs in both domains relate to well-being. We found consistent associations between well-being and real-world need satisfaction and frustration. Associations between well-being and video game need satisfaction and frustration were inconsistent, however. This pattern suggests that the satisfaction and frustration of needs in the real world is more important for well-being than the satisfaction and frustration of needs in video games. Thus, the real-world superiority hypothesis was supported over the video game superiority and equivalence hypotheses.

Introduction

Imagine that you have the power to travel to exciting alternate realities. In one reality, you are a space explorer, able to travel the galaxy and change it as you see fit. You can form alliances with aliens or declare war and drive them to extinction. You can also find uninhabited planets, populate them with fantastical creatures, and terraform the planet according to your artistic whims. In another reality, you are a powerful warrior, clad in heavy armor and wielding a gigantic sword. You can fly into battle on your fire-breathing dragon and cooperate with other adventurers in challenging and satisfying combat.

In contrast to these thrilling possibilities, you have many mundane responsibilities to attend to in the real world1—you need to do laundry, go grocery shopping, and clean your apartment, all within the next few days. You also have work and social responsibilities that cannot (or at least should not) be ignored. Thus, the question becomes: can you resist the siren song of these compelling fantasy worlds to adequately persist in your real world? Many gamers face this choice on a daily basis, and some gamers seriously struggle with it (Griffiths, 2016).

Of course, our everyday lives are seldom as exciting as our virtual lives can be. This discrepancy has led one game scholar to assert that reality is broken—it simply cannot compete with the appeal of virtual worlds (McGonigal, 2011). Given the staggering popularity of video games, it seems that many people agree. For example, in large samples of youth in America and Singapore, average weekly playtimes are 13.2 h (SD = 13.1) and 21.33 h (SD = 16.0), respectively (Gentile, 2009; Gentile et al., 2011). There are similarly high numbers in older samples of massively multiplayer online (MMO) gamers, with average weekly playtimes of 22.71 h (SD = 14.98; Yee, 2006). Indeed, it is easy to find college students who played 40 or more hours per week in their high school senior year (Bailey, West, & Anderson, 2010). In addition to spending substantial amounts of time playing video games, people are also spending substantial amounts of money on them: in 2016, 24.5 billion dollars were spent on video games in the United States (US) alone, and this annual spending has steadily increased since 2010 when 17.5 billion dollars were spent on video games in the US (Entertainment Software Association, 2017).

Thus, it is clear that many people find video games appealing. In fact, some people seem to find games too appealing. Approximately 8–9% of American and Singaporean youth can be classified as pathological gamers (Gentile, 2009; Gentile et al., 2011) and nearly half of surveyed MMO players report feeling addicted to their MMO game of choice (Yee, 2006). Thus, some players seem unable to resist the attractions of video games and develop pathological patterns of play associated with negative outcomes. But what makes video games alluring for so many and irresistible for some?

Self-determination theory (SDT) and two of its six mini-theories, cognitive evaluation theory (CET) and basic psychological needs theory (BPNT), have been used to explain the strong motivational pull of video games (Deci & Ryan, 2000; Rigby & Ryan, 2011; Ryan, 1995; Ryan, Rigby, & Przybylski, 2006). According to SDT, people have three basic psychological needs for competence (to be good at what we do), autonomy (to act volitionally), and relatedness (to connect meaningfully with others). Each need can be satisfied or frustrated to varying degrees. Satisfaction of needs fosters more autonomous forms of motivation, such as intrinsic motivation (a desire to engage in an activity simply because one enjoys it). Frustration of needs fosters less autonomous forms of motivation, and can instead lead to controlled motivation (e.g., doing an activity because of external pressures), or amotivation (e.g., no desire to engage in an activity). Intrinsic motivation is considered the most powerful of the three forms, often inspiring high levels of engagement. Additionally, need satisfaction fosters well-being whereas need frustration impairs it.

In contrast to the often-frustrating real world, video games are designed to intensely satisfy all three psychological needs (Rigby & Ryan, 2011). Games are made to be optimally challenging (satisfying the need for competence), they give players considerable control over their in-game pursuits (satisfying the need for autonomy), and they foster social relationships, either in-game (with real or fictional people) or outside of the game (via peer interactions about games) (satisfying the need for relatedness). Frequently, all three needs are satisfied simultaneously. Thus, people are often intrinsically motivated to play video games. Furthermore, the satisfaction of needs that games provide may contribute to well-being.

Need satisfaction in video games also predicts how much people enjoy the game—the better the game is at satisfying needs, the more enjoyable it is (Oliver et al., 2016; Reinecke et al., 2012; Ryan et al., 2006; Tamborini, Bowman, Eden, Grizzard, & Organ, 2010; Tamborini et al., 2011). In fact, satisfaction of the needs for competence, autonomy, and relatedness are capable of explaining large amounts of the variance in game enjoyment (e.g., 51% in Tamborini et al., 2010). Thus, it seems that a large part of game enjoyment is the satisfaction of basic psychological needs.

There is also some evidence that games can satisfy another potential basic psychological need, the need for insight, which involves “… contemplating, introspecting, and experiencing greater understanding of essential values, fundamental beliefs, and important life lessons” (Oliver et al., 2016, p. 393). Games are also capable of satisfying this need, and those that do (along with those that satisfy relatedness needs) elicit feelings of appreciation more than feelings of enjoyment. To summarize, well-designed video games are excellent at satisfying basic psychological needs, and this need satisfaction predicts greater enjoyment and appreciation, intrinsic motivation to play, and improved well-being (at least in the short-term).

In recent years it has become clear that some gamers become too drawn to video games and develop pathological patterns of play. Although pathological gaming has been studied under many labels (e.g., video game addiction, problematic game play), the literature seems to be converging on the term Internet Gaming Disorder2 (IGD). IGD was included in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual for Mental Disorders – 5 (DSM-5) as a disorder warranting further research. It is conceptualized as a behavioral addiction similar to gambling addiction (Lemmens, Valkenburg, & Gentile, 2015; Petry et al., 2014). DSM-5 proposes that at least five of nine criteria be met for a diagnosis. The nine criteria are preoccupation (being completely absorbed by gaming and thinking about it while not playing), tolerance (needing to play for longer to get the desired effects), withdrawal (feeling irritated, anxious, or sad when one cannot play games), persistence (unsuccessful attempts to control gaming), escape (gaming to relieve negative mood states), problems (continued gaming despite awareness of negative consequences), deception (misleading others about one's own gaming), displacement (gaming crowds out other activities), and conflict (severe issues caused by gaming such as losing a relationship or a job). Importantly, although the DSM-5 proposes a suggested diagnostic threshold separating disordered from non-disordered gaming, this does not mean that the construct of IGD must be studied dichotomously. Like other disorders (e.g., depression), we believe that IGD is best understood as a continuous dimension ranging from not at all disordered to extremely disordered, and that variation along this dimension is reflected in symptomatology (e.g., eight symptoms would be more severe than seven).

Estimates of IGD prevalence vary across countries and assessment criteria (Griffiths, 2016), but many find that approximately 8% of gamers exhibit pathological gameplay (Gentile, 2009; Gentile et al., 2011). Potential risk factors for IGD include personality factors (neuroticism, introversion, disagreeableness, aggression, hostility, low self-esteem, high sensation seeking, boredom susceptibility) and motivational factors (desire to establish friendships or feel powerful in games) (Griffiths, 2016; Kuss & Griffiths, 2012a). IGD has been linked to many negative outcomes, including poorer quality real-world relationships; loneliness; less time spent on hobbies, socializing, work, sleep, and education; poorer academic performance and attentional skills; heightened aggression; and suicidal ideation. Additionally, people with IGD often have comorbid disorders such as attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, generalized anxiety disorder, panic disorder, social phobia, and depression. Importantly, however, there is longitudinal evidence that pathological gaming can lead to later depression, anxiety, and social phobia, suggesting that IGD is not simply a consequence of other disorders (Gentile et al., 2011). Given the many negative outcomes associated with IGD, it clearly is worth learning more about risk and protective factors for the condition.

At the outset, we would like to emphasize that we do not believe video game play is inherently harmful. In fact, there is evidence that video game play is unrelated to mental well-being unless average daily playtime exceeds 1 h and 40 min on weekdays or 3 h and 35 min on weekend days (Przybylski & Weinstein, 2017). It is also important to note that there are some positive effects associated with playing video games, depending on their content (Prot, Anderson, Gentile, Brown, & Swing, 2014). For example, fast-paced action games can improve visual-spatial skills, prosocial games can increase prosocial behaviors, playing educational games can aid learning, and playing exergames can reduce sedentary behaviors. However, we do believe that, like many pleasurable things in life (e.g., alcohol, chocolate, pizza), video games can be harmful if used excessively or in other unhealthy ways. Moreover, we believe that this position is well-supported by the literature on IGD.

Although there has been very little research directly examining IGD using SDT, there is a fair amount of evidence to suggest that need satisfaction may be important for IGD. For example, need satisfaction in video games is associated with greater motivation to play, greater enjoyment, and short-term increases in well-being (Ryan et al., 2006). MMO games often satisfy all three psychological needs, inspiring high weekly playtimes (Rigby & Ryan, 2011). In one large-scale survey of MMO players, 25–30% of the sample reported that their most satisfying experience in the last week had occurred in an MMO and 40–50% reported that their MMO friends were comparable to or better than their real-world friends (Yee, 2006). Additionally, of the five motivational factors for MMO play identified in that study, the relationship and achievement factors closely resembled satisfaction of relatedness and competence needs, respectively. Thus, video games satisfy psychological needs and that satisfaction is associated with motivation to play.

There is also research linking low real-world need satisfaction to pathological forms of gaming. For example, real-world need satisfaction is negatively related to obsessive passion for gaming and problematic game playing (Przybylski, Weinstein, Ryan, & Rigby, 2009; Wu, Lei, & Ku, 2013). Similarly, competence variables such as low self-efficacy and a desire for challenge, mastery, and empowerment in games serve as risk factors for problematic gaming (Kuss & Griffiths, 2012a). Relatedness variables such as warm family environments and closeness between parents and children serve as protective factors but low social competence serves as a risk factor (Choo, Sim, Liau, Gentile, & Khoo, 2015; Gentile et al., 2011; Liau et al., 2014).

Overall, current evidence suggests that high levels of need satisfaction in video games and low levels of need satisfaction in the real world both increase the likelihood of IGD. In fact, interviews with pathological gamers suggest that gaming addiction is strongest when need satisfaction is low in the real world but high in video games (Rigby & Ryan, 2011; Wan & Chiou, 2006). This prediction has been referred to as the need-density hypothesis (Rigby & Ryan, 2011, 2017). The need-density hypothesis emphasizes the discrepancy between need satisfaction in the real world and need satisfaction in video games. If needs unsatisfied in our everyday lives can easily be satisfied by video games, then overuse may occur. This line of reasoning is similar to the proposition that excessive gaming may be better understood as a (potentially maladaptive) coping strategy instead of an addiction, with people using video games to compensate for or escape from difficulties in everyday life (Kardefelt-Winther, 2014, 2017; Schimmenti & Caretti, 2010).

However, the discrepancy hypothesis concerning need satisfaction has not yet been tested quantitatively in the published literature. Additionally, to our knowledge, the relation between the frustration of needs and IGD has not yet been examined directly. The present study was designed to address these gaps in the literature and thereby advance our understanding of how the satisfaction and frustration of needs in video games interact with the satisfaction and frustration of needs in our everyday lives. Examining the satisfaction and frustration of needs in both domains (i.e., the real world and video games) will allow us to determine which variables matter most when predicting important outcomes such as IGD and well-being.

In agreement with the need-density hypothesis, we predicted that IGD scores would be highest for people with low need satisfaction in the real world but high need satisfaction in video games. In other words, IGD scores should increase as video game need satisfaction surpasses real-world need satisfaction (H1). Although the need-density hypothesis focuses on the satisfaction of needs, the same logic can be applied to need frustration in the reverse. Thus, we predicted the opposite pattern for need frustration: IGD scores should be highest for people with high need frustration in the real world but low need frustration in video games. In other words, IGD scores should increase as real-world need frustration surpasses video game need frustration (H2).

As informed by SDT, we also predicted that need satisfaction (real-world and video game) would be positively related to well-being (H3) and that need frustration (real-world and video game) would be negatively related to well-being (H4). It is not yet clear, however, whether the satisfaction and frustration of needs in video games will be as strongly related to well-being as is the satisfaction and frustration of needs in the real world. Thus, to answer this general research question, three additional competing hypotheses were tested for H3 and H4: the real-world superiority hypothesis (i.e., need satisfaction and frustration in the real world will be more strongly related to well-being than need satisfaction and frustration in video games), the video game superiority hypothesis (i.e., need satisfaction and frustration in video games will be more strongly related to well-being than need satisfaction and frustration in the real-world), and the equivalence hypothesis (i.e., need satisfaction and frustration in video games will be as strongly related to well-being as need satisfaction and frustration in the real world).

Section snippets

Participants and design

Undergraduate gamers from a large university in the United States were recruited for a 20–30 min, cross-sectional, online, survey study titled “Video Games and Satisfaction.” The informed consent stated: “We are interested in learning more about how playing video games might relate to satisfaction in video games and in everyday life.” All participants consented to participate and received partial course credit. All procedures were approved by the university's Institutional Review Board (IRB)

Data preparation

There were almost no missing data. Missingness was dealt with by creating scale scores using the average of available items. After using this method no missingness remained. Univariate outliers and violations of normality were dealt with using censoring, 90% Winsorization, or transformations as necessary. Age was Winsorized and square root transformations were applied to weekly playtime and IGD scores. Full preparation details are available in the Supplemental Material available online.

Analysis plan

Discussion

The present research revealed that, as predicted, IGD scores increased as the satisfaction of needs in video games surpassed satisfaction of needs in the real world. Contrary to predictions, however, IGD scores did not increase as the frustration of needs in the real world surpassed the frustration of needs in video games. Instead, the frustration of needs in both domains was positively associated with IGD scores. Although not detailed in this article, these findings were the same for all three

Conclusion

Given the staggering popularity of video games, it is critically important to understand how they influence people's lives. This study demonstrated that the satisfaction and frustration of basic psychological needs in everyday life and in video games serve as reliable predictors of IGD scores and well-being. The need-satisfying power of video games makes them highly enjoyable, but it may also make them dangerous, especially for people whose psychological needs are unsatisfied in the real world.

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