Influences of motives to play and time spent gaming on the negative consequences of adolescent online computer gaming

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Abstract

In this study we examined the relation between gaming-time, motives to play, and negative consequences due to playing MMORPGs. A total of 7757 Swedish adolescents (3872 boys and 3885 girls) between 13 and 18 years of age completed a questionnaire during class hours. Results indicated that time spent on gaming was associated with negative consequences. This relation was further explained by motives to play. Gaming for fun and social motives were associated with a reduced risk whereas gaming to escape, to gain status, or due to demands from others were associated with an increased risk of negative consequences. Motives to play should be considered as a prime indicator for negative consequences, even more than time spent gaming. Implications of these findings for future research are discussed.

Highlights

► Time spent on online gaming is associated with negative consequences among adolescents. ► This relation is further explained by motives to play. ► Gaming for fun and social motives are associated with a reduced risk. ► Gaming to escape, to gain status, or due to demands are associated with an increased risk of negative consequences. ► Motives to play should be considered as a prime indicator for negative consequences.

Introduction

Computer use and computer gaming have become an ever increasing part of many adolescents’ daily lives (Anderson et al., 2004, David-Ferdon and Hertz, 2007, Ko et al., 2005). The debate as to whether computer games are good or bad for the individuals that play them has been ongoing since the early 1990s (Griffiths, 1993). According to Griffiths and Hunt, the most common initial reason for playing computer games is to play for fun followed by playing for challenge, because friends play, or because there is nothing else to do (Griffiths & Hunt, 1995). The reason for continuing to play is similar to the initial reason for starting. Furthermore, approximately one in ten claims to continue to play because they are unable to stop (Griffiths & Hunt, 1995).

Gaming also provides benefits such as development of educational, social, and spatial ability skills (Griffiths, 2008, Lager and Bremberg, 2005, Paraskeva et al., 2010). However, the negative consequences due to gaming should be taken seriously when gaming has become the dominant activity in an adolescent’s life (Anderson et al., 2004, David-Ferdon and Hertz, 2007, Ko et al., 2005). Excessive gaming is more common among boys and men, who are also more likely to play computer games than girls and women (Chou and Tsai, 2007, Gentile et al., 2004, Griffiths, 2005, Griffiths et al., 2004, Ko et al., 2005, Schumacher and Morahan-Martin, 2001, Tanaka et al., 2000, Uhlmann and Swanson, 2004).

Computer gaming has, among other things, been associated with addictive-like behaviour (Griffiths, 2000, Griffiths, 2008, Griffiths et al., 2004, Grusser et al., 2007, Hussain and Griffiths, 2009, Ng and Wiemer-Hastings, 2005), antisocial behaviour (Anderson and Bushman, 2001, Browne and Hamilton-Giachritsis, 2005), reduced sleep (Choi et al., 2009, Dworak et al., 2007, Griffiths et al., 2004, Ng and Wiemer-Hastings, 2005, Sharif and Sargent, 2006, Tazawa and Okada, 2001, Van den Bulck, 2004), daily tiredness (Choi et al., 2009, Dworak et al., 2007, Van den Bulck, 2004), somatic and physical complaints among adolescents (Tanaka et al., 2000, Torsheim et al., 2010), and both positive and negative effects on academic achievement (Choi et al., 2009, Chou and Tsai, 2007, Cummings and Vandewater, 2007, Griffiths et al., 2004, Ng and Wiemer-Hastings, 2005, Sharif and Sargent, 2006, Yee, 2006a, Yee, 2006b). Moreover, adolescents are more likely than adult gamers to sacrifice their education or work to play (Griffiths et al., 2004). They also spend less time doing homework than non-gamers (Cummings & Vandewater, 2007). According to Griffiths et al. one-fifth of adolescents sacrifice sleep in order to play online games, which may have repercussions on productivity in other areas of their lives (Griffiths et al., 2004).

Massively multiplayer online role-playing games (MMORPGs) differ from traditional videogames in that they do not possess a definite end goal and the main purpose lies within the game’s tasks and the gamers’ achievements (Hussain and Griffiths, 2009, Ng and Wiemer-Hastings, 2005). The use of MMORPGs is increasing among adolescent computer gamers (Griffiths et al., 2004, Ko et al., 2005). The average MMORPG player spend about 20 h per week playing (Yee, 2006a, Yee, 2006b) and a majority of the players have on some occasion played continuously for 10 h or more (Griffiths, 2005). Playing computer games for 5 h or more each day may influence the health of adolescents (Griffiths, 2005). It is more common that male gamers play MMORPGs to pursue feelings of achievement and for social motives, whereas females mostly play for the purpose of passing time and for being entertained (Ko et al., 2005). Playing with an “obsessive passion” is a predictor for negative outcomes, while a “harmonious passion” for playing accounts for more positive outcomes (Lafrenière, Vallerand, Donahue, & Lavigne, 2009). Previous research has found that people’s needs, involvement and motives predict amount and outcomes of media and internet use (Papacharissi and Rubin, 2000, Rubin and Windahl, 1986, Lager and Bremberg, 2005).

There are evident relations between videogame playing and gambling in adolescents (Wood, Gupta, Derevensky, & Griffiths, 2004) and gambling for monetary reward is established as a public health problem (Rönnberg, 1999). Excessive gaming has many similarities with excessive gambling in relation to health (Griffiths and Wood, 2000, Johansson and Gotestam, 2004). It is suggested that playing games without monetary reward nevertheless meets the criteria of addiction (Grusser et al., 2007). Moreover, online gaming addictive like behaviour seems to share the same neurobiological mechanisms as substance use disorder (Ko et al., 2009, Thalemann et al., 2007). A Norwegian study of adolescents showed that three out of ten were engaged in “pathological playing” while every tenth engaged in “at-risk playing” (Johansson & Gotestam, 2004). Excessive gaming, however, does not necessarily mean that a person is addicted to gaming. It has been suggested that the negative impact on other areas of the gamer’s life, rather than the amount of time spent gaming, is the real issue when it comes to the potential consequences that follow (Griffiths, 2010, Liu and Peng, 2009). Wan and Chiou (2006) found that compulsive use of online games might come from the relief of dissatisfaction rather than the pursuit of satisfaction and that customer’s loyalty might be a motivation factor for playing online games, more than the feeling of flow within the gaming experience. People with lower self-esteem are more likely to become addicted to Internet and the addicts of online games are affected by the sense of dissatisfaction which might be the reason behind the excessive gaming (Wan & Chiou, 2006).

In a study of World of Warcraft gamers, a number of social mechanisms that might be linked to problematic gaming were identified (Linderoth & Bennerstedt, 2007). However, the qualitative design with a small study population limits the possibilities to generalise the results to other populations (Linderoth & Bennerstedt, 2007). Moreover, generalised statements about both the negative consequences and the positive effects from gaming are often made without consideration to different gaming types or gamers’ different motives for playing, which may result in incorrect conclusions. As computer games are interwoven into most adolescents’ leisure activities it is important that researchers can understand what initiates different gaming behaviours in order to recognise and prevent problematic adolescent computer game use and its consequences (Hsu & Lu, 2004). Further research regarding how computer gaming interacts with the components of an adolescent’s everyday life, motives to play, and its positive and negative effects (specifically in relation to online gaming and sex differences) is therefore required. In the present study we were able to examine some of those required items.

1. To investigate the amount of time spent playing MMORPGs among boys and girls. 2. To investigate the motives to play MMORPGs among boys and girls. 3. To investigate the relation between time spent gaming, the motives to play MMORPGs, and experienced negative consequences among boys and girls.

Section snippets

Participants and procedures

The present study was part of the Survey of Adolescent Life in Vestmanland 2008 (SALVe 2008), which is a survey distributed biannually by the County Council of Vestmanland in Sweden. Vestmanland is a medium-sized county with about 257,000 inhabitants. The target population consisted of all adolescents in the county in the 7th (13–14 years old) and 9th (15–16 years old) grades in compulsory school and the 2nd (17–18 years old) grade in upper secondary school. The students completed the

Results

Every second student, mostly boys, played MMORPGs. It was more common to spend many hours gaming on weekends than on weekdays. Nearly every fourth boy and every tenth girl spent more than 5 h a day gaming on weekends (Table 2). Boys played MMORPGs more often than girls (p < 0.001) and boys also played for more hours during both weekdays (p < 0.001) and weekends (p < 0.001).

The motives to play MMORPGs differed to some extent between boys and girls (Table 3). The most common motives to play among both

Discussion

The present study attempted to investigate the relation between amounts of time spent playing MMORPGs, motives to play, and experienced negative consequences, as well as sex differences in adolescents’ online computer gaming habits.

The main findings were that, firstly, there was a confirmation of sex differences in adolescent gaming which has been suggested in previous research. Secondly, there was a relation between the amount of time spent gaming and experienced negative consequences due to

Acknowledgements

Grants from the following funds and organisations are acknowledged: The Uppsala and Örebro Regional Research Council, Fredrik and Ingrid Thurings Foundation, Västmanland County Council, König-Söderströmska Foundation, The Swedish Psychiatric Foundation, Svenska Spel Research Council, and Swedish Council for Working Life and Social Research (FAS). The sponsors of the study had no role in the study design, data collection, data analysis, data interpretation, or writing of the report. C.H., C.Å.,

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