An analysis of multiple factors of cyberbullying among junior high school students in Taiwan
Introduction
Bullying, as a serious kind of school violence, has long been recognized as a common aggressive behavior among peers and has negative effects on mental development and learning (Flanagan, Erath, & Bierman, 2008). The problem of bullying in middle school is serious and cross-cultural, and it has attracted considerable attention in Europe, North America, and Japan (e.g., Akiba, 2004, Olweus, 2003, Pepler et al., 2008). Regardless of whether the participants are victims, bullies, or witnesses, experiencing bullying can increase the possibility of other victimization, including child maltreatment, conventional crime, and psychological problems (Holt et al., 2007a, Holt et al., 2007b). Bullying behavior is now happening in cyberspace and in an even more powerful way than has been the case in conventional contexts, because cyberspace is quicker, more comprehensive, and almost unstoppable and unavoidable. The physical scars of a beating can heal, and it is often possible for the would-be victim of such a beating to run away; stalked by someone online, even the strongest mind can break and there is no place to hide.
Young people are socially connected with others through the Internet and other communication technologies, and these tools have become the new medium of bullying behaviors. Cyberbullying hurts teenagers emotionally, rather than result directly in physical damage, and operates by means of cell-phone text messages, photos posted online, mean words on personal blogs, and rumors that spread faster than ever through e-mail, instant messengers (IMs), or any other such communication devices. With the growing popularity of social-networking sites, instant messengers, and mobile technology among adolescents, the risk and extent of cyberbullying cannot be underestimated (Juvonen & Gross, 2008).
Owing to the limited number of cyberbullying studies in Taiwan (e.g., Hokoda et al., 2006, Wei et al., 2007), to the studies’ omission of pertinent issues, and to the studies’ inconsistent results, this study explores the cyberbullying problems among Taiwanese teenagers and examines the frequency, types of tools, gender differences, and other factors relevant to both the issue itself and the East Asian context. It is hoped that the results illustrate how the new form of bullying happens in the context of Taiwan. In addition to examining the prevalence of cyberbullying, the current study emphasizes the cultural differences between Taiwan and Western countries.
Section snippets
Definition of cyberbullying
As a prominent researcher in bullying studies, Olweus (1993) explained that bullying occurs when children (1) say mean things about or make fun of another person, (2) ignore or exclude him or her from their group, (3) hit, kick, push, or physically restrain him or her, or (4) tell lies or spread false rumors or send mean notes and try to make other students dislike him or her.
Later, Olweus and Limber (1999) summarized notable features of bullying: “it is aggressive behavior or intentional
Methodology
Self-report and peer-report surveys are the most frequently used methods of collecting data on school bullying (Wei & Huang, 2005); surveys are comparatively low-cost and are preferred for large-scale data collection. Because surveys lack flexibility, six open-ended questions were added for more comprehensive feedback in this study. Students, rather than teachers and other adults, were chosen to be the source because they are present in most bullying incidents (O’Connell, Pepler, & Craig, 1999
Participants’ demographics
The total of 545 students were asked personal information regarding only their gender, grade level, academic achievement, and computer use; in this way, this study ensured the anonymity of the participants. As shown in Table 1, the participants comprised 256 (47.1%) males and 288 (52.9%) females and were fairly evenly distributed from grade to grade (7th graders 31.9%, 8th graders 37.1%, 9th graders 31.0%). Regarding academic work, 225 (41.6%) students reported theirs as above average, 210
Implications
Cyberbullying, a mixture of traditional bullying behaviors and modern technology, is an offshoot of advances in technology. As discussed, gender, academic achievement, and the use of technology might contribute to cyberbullying, but these factors are not as significant in this study as they are in other contexts. For example, academic achievement in Taiwan did not reflect a significant difference in cyberbullying experiences as it did in a Canadian case (Ma, 2001). Technology with the greatest
References (37)
Nature and correlates of Ijime: Bullying in Japanese middle school
International Journal of Educational Research
(2004)- et al.
The role of bystanders in students’ perception of bullying and sense of safety
Journal of School Psychology
(2008) - et al.
Multiple victimization experiences of urban elementary school students: Associations with psychosocial functioning and academic performance
Child Abuse and Neglect
(2007) - et al.
Peer involvement in bullying: Insights and challenges for intervention
Journal of Adolescence
(1999) - et al.
Why we harass nerds and freaks: A formal theory of student culture and norms
Journal of School Health
(2004) - et al.
The social psychology of Chinese people
- et al.
Relationally and physically aggressive children’s intent attributions and feelings of distress for relational and instrumental peer provocations
Child Development
(2002) - et al.
Cyberbullying: Youngsters’ experiences and parental perception
CyberPsychology & Behavior
(2008) - et al.
Unique associations between peer relations and social anxiety in early adolescence
Journal of Clinical Child and Adolescent Psychology
(2008) - Hinduja, S., & Patchin, J. W. (2008). Bullying beyond the schoolyard: Preventing and responding to cyberbullying....