Self-objectification, body self-consciousness during sexual activities, and sexual satisfaction in college women

Highlights

• We examined hypothesized mechanisms that link body image to sexual satisfaction.

• Body surveillance and shame predicted increased body self-consciousness during sexual activity.

• Body self-consciousness predicted decreased sexual satisfaction.

Abstract

Few studies examine the mechanisms that link body image to sexual satisfaction in women. Using the tenets of objectification theory, this study investigated the relationships between body surveillance, body shame, body self-consciousness during sexual activities, and sexual satisfaction in an ethnically diverse sample of American female college students (N = 368), while controlling for relationship status and body mass index. Results based on self-report measures of these constructs suggested that body shame and body self-consciousness during sexual activity were negatively correlated with sexual satisfaction. Additionally, path analysis indicated that body surveillance predicted increased body self-consciousness during sexual activity, partially mediated by body shame. Body self-consciousness, in turn, predicted decreased sexual satisfaction. Overall, study findings highlight the negative consequences of body image concerns for women's sexual satisfaction.

Introduction

Sexual satisfaction consists of a person's subjective satisfaction with any personal (i.e., emotional, physical) or relational (i.e., sexual communication, compatibility) aspect of his or her sex life (Tiefer, 2001). Research suggests that sexual satisfaction is associated with increased sexual frequency, relationship quality, and general happiness in men and women (e.g., Byers and Demmons, 1999, Kahneman et al., 2004, Sprecher, 2002). Although sexual satisfaction has implications for the psychological health of both men and women, it is particularly important to examine how sociocultural and psychological factors influence female sexual satisfaction. Some researchers argue that because sexual functioning among women is highly variable and poorly understood (Basson, 2008), it is important to adopt a sociocultural view of women's sexual problems (Tiefer, 2001). For example, research indicates that psychological and contextual factors such as body image, quality of life, and relational variables may all influence women's subjective evaluations of sexual satisfaction (Althof et al., 2005).

To date, considerable research examines the influence of biological, psychological, and interpersonal variables that may influence female sexual satisfaction (Althof et al., 2005, Tiefer, 2001). One consistent finding is that sexual satisfaction is positively correlated with a positive body image (e.g., Davison and McCabe, 2005, Pujols et al., 2009, Satinsky et al., 2012, Wiederman, 2011, Wiederman and Hurst, 1998). Body image is a multidimensional construct that incorporates one's attitudes, affective experiences and perceptions about one's own body and physical appearance (Cash & Smolak, 2011). Theoretically, body image concerns may interfere with a woman's ability to enjoy a sexual experience because of the heightened attention placed on the body in the context of sexual activity with a partner. In support of this, findings from a community sample of women indicated that participants who reported having a negative body image reported decreased sexual satisfaction (Pujols et al., 2009). Despite data supporting this relationship, few studies examine the mechanisms that link body image to sexual satisfaction.

Objectification theory offers a framework for understanding how women's sexual objectification experiences simultaneously encourage body image disturbance and sexual problems. Sexual objectification occurs when a woman's entire being is identified with her body—she is treated as a body or a collection of body parts (Bartky, 1990). For example, in media advertisements, women's bodies are often displayed in isolated body parts, such as a bare stomach, buttocks, or cleavage (e.g., Sommers-Flanagan, Sommers-Flanagan, & Davis, 1993). According to objectification theory, such images send the message that women are to be viewed as body parts and objects to be desired. These images concurrently promote sociocultural values and ideals of appearance that suggest that the ideal woman is young, very thin, and sexually attractive (Hesse-Biber et al., 2006, Thompson et al., 1999). Furthermore, in Western culture, women are socialized to place considerable value on physical appearance as a central determinant of social desirability and personal worth (Thompson et al., 1999). Consequently, media send the message that in order to be socially desirable as a woman, one must attain the ideal physical appearance and be sexually attractive to men.

Given the culturally reinforced messages about beauty and sexuality in Western culture, objectification theory argues that women are socialized to view themselves as objects to be viewed, evaluated, and used by men (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). Over time, women begin to internalize this objectifying perspective and engage in self-objectification (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). As this occurs, women are at risk for a variety of negative mental health consequences, including body image problems and sexual dysfunction (Bartky, 1990).

Researchers have considered the mechanisms through which self-objectification translates into body image and sexual problems. According to objectification theory, heightened self-objectification often behaviorally manifests in body surveillance or the habitual monitoring of the body's appearance (e.g., Slater and Tiggemann, 2010, Tiggemann and Lynch, 2001, Tiggemann and Slater, 2001). As a woman engages in body surveillance, it is likely that she will then compare herself to cultural appearance ideals, which are unattainable for most women in Western cultures (e.g., young, very thin). Consequently, such comparisons often lead to body shame, as a woman perceives that she fails to meet cultural body ideals. Extant research provides support for the posited relationship between body surveillance and body shame in women (e.g., Claudat et al., 2012, McKinley and Hyde, 1996, Tiggemann and Slater, 2001).

The shame and concerns a woman has about her body may carry over into the context of sexual activity and consume mental energy needed for concentrating on sexual pleasure (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). Some researchers have termed this phenomenon body self-consciousness during sexual activity (e.g., Dove & Wiederman, 2000). In support of this contention, preliminary findings demonstrate that body self-consciousness during sexual activity predicts lower sexual esteem and less sexual satisfaction in men and women (e.g., Davison and McCabe, 2005, Dove and Wiederman, 2000, Pujols et al., 2009, Yamamiya et al., 2006). Furthermore, research indicates that body shame partially mediates the relationship between body surveillance and body self-consciousness during sexual activity (Claudat et al., 2012, Sanchez and Kiefer, 2007, Steer and Tiggemann, 2008).

Notably, few studies have incorporated body self-consciousness during sexual activity into the study of objectification theory. Rather, existing studies tend to focus on trait-level, dispositional evaluations of the body such as body dissatisfaction. Incorporating a measure of state body image, an individual's evaluation and affect about his/her physical appearance at a particular moment, such as body self-consciousness during sexual activity into the research of female sexuality is important for several reasons. First, body image experiences may change for women in different contexts and in relation to certain situations or events (Cash & Smolak, 2011). For example, research suggests that body image is increasingly negative in situations in which there is greater focus on the body (e.g., Haimovitz, Lansky, & O’Reilly, 1993). Therefore, it is likely that body image concerns are particularly salient during sexual activities with a partner given the high degree of focus on the body in this context. Second, research demonstrates that there is likely an important distinction to be made between trait-level body image and state body image when investigating women's sexual experiences (Cash et al., 2004, Cash and Smolak, 2011, Wiederman, 2011). For example, when researchers have statistically accounted for body concerns during sexual activity, correlations between dispositional body image and sexual functioning have decreased substantially or disappeared altogether (Cash et al., 2004). Finally, preliminary research indicates that body self-consciousness during sexual activity may fully mediate the relationship between trait-level body image concerns and sexual functioning in women (e.g., Sanchez and Kiefer, 2007, Steer and Tiggemann, 2008).

Sexual activity mostly takes place in the context of a relationship. Therefore, authors argue that the relational context should be taken into account when considering women's sexual problems (Byers, 2002), and a large body of literature provides evidence that relationship factors are an important determinant of women's sexual functioning (e.g., Oberg and Fugl-Meyer, 2005, Witting et al., 2008). Not only does the availability of a partner influence sexual frequency, but data also indicate that women place great emphasis on committed relationships as a context for sexual behaviors (e.g., Herbenick et al., 2010, Peplau, 2003). For example, in a survey of women in an outpatient gynecological clinic, single women reported less sexual satisfaction than those in a romantic relationship (Rosen, Taylor, Leiblum, & Bachmann, 1993).

Extant research also shows that being in a relationship may influence women's body self-consciousness during sexual activity. Theoretically, women who have significant body image concerns may avoid sexual activity, and thus avoid dating and sexual relationships (e.g., Faith & Schare, 1993). Additionally, women who are in a partnered relationship may become less concerned about their appearance during sexual activity by becoming more comfortable with their partner over time (Wiederman, 2000). In support of this hypothesis, Steer and Tiggemann (2008) found that participants in an exclusive relationship had significantly lower levels of body self-consciousness during sexual activity than participants currently not in a relationship.

Despite evidence that objectification theory is a viable model for understanding body image and sexual satisfaction in women, the extant literature is limited in at least three important ways. First, the majority of research in this area examines the role of trait-level body image in women's sexual experiences rather than focusing on state body image in the context of sexual activity. Second, most researchers fail to incorporate important contextual factors in their models of female sexual functioning (e.g., age, relationship status, BMI). Third, the vast majority of previous studies examining body image and sexuality examine these constructs in homogenous samples of White women of European descent (e.g., Calogero and Thompson, 2009, Steer and Tiggemann, 2008). Given evidence that objectification and body image experiences may vary across ethnic groups (e.g., Breitkopft et al., 2007, Grabe and Hyde, 2006), the generalizability of findings to date may be limited by the homogeneity of the samples examined.

To build on existing research, this study investigated a theoretical model exploring the relationships between body surveillance, body shame, body self-consciousness during sexual activity, and sexual satisfaction in an ethnically representative sample of heterosexual female college students while controlling for the influence of relationship status and BMI. To control for the effects of age on study findings, we limited the age range of the study sample from age 18 to 24 years. We hypothesized that the proposed model (see Fig. 1) would fit the data well, with all specified paths yielding statistically significant explanatory variance. Furthermore, based on previous research, we hypothesized that body shame would partially mediate the relationship between body surveillance and body self-consciousness during sexual activity and that body self-consciousness during sexual activity would fully mediate the relationship between body shame and sexual satisfaction.