Elsevier

Aggression and Violent Behavior

Volume 12, Issue 1, January–February 2007, Pages 64-86
Aggression and Violent Behavior

The state of the art of stalking: Taking stock of the emerging literature☆

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.avb.2006.05.001Get rights and content

Abstract

A meta-analysis of 175 studies of stalking is reported in which descriptive estimates of prevalence, sex differences, relationship origins, motives, threat and violence are provided. The moderating effects of type of sample are examined. Overall, an average of 25% of samples across 58 studies report stalking victimization, with each episode lasting an average of 22 months (N = 28). Females are more likely to be victims (M = 28.5, SD = 26, N = 44) than males (M = 11, SD = 8, N = 21), and between 60 and 80% of victims are females, although these differences reflect clinical and forensic samples more than collegiate or general population samples. Across 54 studies, 54% of stalking cases revealed some use of threat, which again was far more likely to occur in clinical and forensic samples. Across 82 studies in which some estimate of violence was provided, 32% of stalking cases involved physical violence, whereas 12% involved sexual violence (N = 36). Stalking clearly tends to emerge most commonly from pre-existing relationships; 79% of victims were acquainted with their pursuer (N = 62), and half of all stalking emerged specifically from romantic relationships (M = 49%, N = 53). Typological issues are examined in regard to types of stalkers, types of stalker motivation, types of stalking behavior, and types of victim symptomatology. Given the rich descriptive base of information about stalking, it is recommended that priority should shift to more theoretical issues surrounding stalking. These issues along with other future implications are examined.

Section snippets

Nature and scope

Stalking can be defined in at least two significantly distinct ways: legally and perceptually. Legal definitions, as codified in statutes, have taken several different forms, but typically identify stalking as an (a) intentional (b) pattern of repeated behaviors toward a person or persons (b) that are unwanted, and (c) result in fear, or that a reasonable person (or jury) would view as fearful or threatening. Stalking is therefore not a single act or behavior, but a pattern of behavior over

Prevalence

Given evidence that people apply somewhat variable standards in attributing the label stalking, it is no surprise that there can be no firm estimates of the prevalence or incidence of stalking throughout society. Several large-scale representative studies have been performed (Budd and Mattinson, 2000, Elliott and Brantley, 1997, Fisher et al., 2000, Hackett, 2000, Kohn et al., 2000, Kong, 1996, McLennan, 1995/96, McLennan, 1996, Purcell et al., 2002, Tjaden and Thoennes, 1998; for summary, see

Mapping the behavioral contents of stalking

One of the insidious implications of stalking emerging from pre-existing relationships is that some of the behaviors stalkers engage in are relatively indistinguishable from everyday relational or courtship activities. A significant number of studies in the early stages of studying stalking have provided descriptive profiles of the extent to which a variety of behaviors were experienced by victims. Of the literally thousands of distinct labels operationalized across studies, Cupach and

Mapping the contents of victim and intervention behavior

Like a landlord with a troublesome tenant, victims of stalking often find they have far less authority and power than seems appropriate. Stalkers often exploit the various freedoms often taken for granted, or even legally guaranteed. For example, much of what constitutes stalking, behaviors such as following and calling, represent basic rights of freedom of expression, movement and assembly. Furthermore, by exploiting the ambiguous zones of behavior between courtship and harassment, stalkers

Mapping the effects of stalking

The symptomatology of stalking has generally been conducted from the perspective of psychological trauma, or disruption of victim's life. Much of this research has overlooked various sorts of potential costs and symptoms associated with a campaign of unwanted pursuit. These costs can be understood along two dimensions: relational order effects, and personal versus societal effects.

Relational order effects refers to the fact that when one person experiences disruptions, those around that person

Explaining stalking and obsessive relational intrusion

The early stages of studying any complex phenomenon or process often begins with a question of types: Are there different types of this phenomenon? Typologies often represent pre-theoretical frameworks, and sometimes have built within them theoretical dimensions that become relevant to explaining a phenomenon. It is not surprising, therefore, that there has been extensive typological speculation and research about stalking and unwanted relationship pursuit. Table 2 reflects a summary of the

Courtship and the construction of stalking

Stalking is often seen stereotypically as a violent crime evolving from mental illness and involving celebrity encounters (Lowney and Best, 1995, Spitzberg and Cadiz, 2002). Research, in contrast, indicates that stalking is most typically an extension of relatively normal relationships, and thrives on the ambivalent motives often located within such relationships. In particular, the romantic courtship process thrives on ambiguity (Metts & Spitzberg, 1996), which permits considerable leeway for

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    ☆

    Invited manuscript submitted to Aggression and Violent Behavior: A Review Journal, Michel Hersen, ABPP, Editor, School of Professional Psychology, Pacific University, Forest Grove, OR 97116, [email protected]; Carole L. Londerée, Editorial Assistant: [email protected].

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