Children with incarcerated mothers: Developmental outcomes, special challenges and recommendations
Introduction
The number of incarcerated women is growing at a rapid rate. During the 1980s the female prison population increased over 200%; it currently grows at an annual rate of 11.2% (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2000). The male prison population, comparison, has grown annually at a rate of 6.1%, about half that of females. These double-digit increases in rates of female incarceration present a serious threat to the structure and functioning of families, as many female inmates are mothers and the primary caregivers for their children (Child Welfare League of America, 2005). Children of incarcerated mothers are believed to be at an increased risk of experiencing the enduring stress of poverty, numerous home and school displacements, and academic failure (Child Welfare League of America, 2005). This is particularly troubling because separation from primary caregivers, poverty, and academic failure are all risk factors for developing psychopathology and engaging in criminal activity (Broidy et al., 2003, Sameroff et al., 2003).
With the average prison sentence being three years (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2005a), astonishingly, there are no federal, state or local agencies responsible for obtaining information about children separated from their mothers due to her incarceration, or what happens to them during their mother's internment. There are no formal policies in place to inform law enforcement agencies, courts, or welfare agencies about how to keep track of and deal with these children. Generally, the courts and other agencies assume that the arrangements made by the mother will be adequate (Gaudin & Suthpen, 1993). Conservative estimates of the number of children in the United States under the age of 18 with incarcerated mothers range from as few as 160,000 to as many as 200,000 (Gaudin and Suthpen, 1993, Houck and Loper, 2002, Myers et al., 1999). Almost three quarters (73%) of these children are displaced from their homes when their mother is incarcerated, as she was the sole or primary caregiver prior to incarceration (Child Welfare League of America, 2005). Approximately 55% of children transition to the care of their grandparents, 20% to their fathers, 15% to another relative or family friend, and 10% transition into the welfare system (Child Welfare League of America, 2005). Children typically experience at least one additional change in living arrangements during the first year of their mother's imprisonment (Myers et al., 1999).
The following issues will be addressed in this review. First, positive and negative child outcomes are reviewed from a developmental perspective as they relate to risk, protective, and promotive factors, with a special focus on the importance of children's connectedness to family, school, and peers for their social and emotional competence development. Following this review of the relatively small amount of literature in this area, shortcomings and limitations of the existing literature are highlighted. Next, special concerns and challenges associated with conducting research with this population of children and their families are discussed. Lastly, recommendations for future research are made.
Section snippets
Risk, promotive, and protective factors
Children with an incarcerated mother are considered one of the most vulnerable and at risk populations (e.g., National Council on Crime and Delinquency (NCCD), 2004). A risk factor is a variable that is positively related to a negative outcome, such as stressful negative life-events. Protective factors are variables that are associated with decreased risk for a negative outcome in high risk, but not in low risk populations. A promotive factor is defined as a variable that is positively related
Unique challenges and risks associated with conducting research with children and families with incarcerated mothers
Perhaps the scarcity of high-quality research with this population of children and families is due in part to many unique challenges associated with working with them. Obstacles researchers face when working with families of incarcerated mothers include (a) the possible confounding impact on the child of witnessing their mother's criminal activity and arrest, (b) the effects on the child of prenatal alcohol and drug exposure, (c) the child not knowing the mother is in prison, also known as a
Interdisciplinary, collaborative work
After completing an evaluation of 10 research and intervention sites funded to assess the needs of children with an incarcerated parent, the NCCD (2004) noted the gross lack of communication and coordination between practitioners, researchers, and staff working at different agencies (i.e., prison support staff and child welfare agencies). This report cited the urgent need for interdisciplinary work. Interdisciplinary collaboration between researchers and practitioners such as school personnel,
Summary and conclusions
As increasing numbers of women with children are incarcerated, the welfare and state correctional institutions recognize the need for additional research to be devoted to understanding and estimating the possible negative effects on these women's children (see Beckerman, 1998, Child Welfare League of America, 2005, National Council on Crime and Delinquency (NCCD), 2004, Seymour, 1998). Although children with an incarcerated mother face a number of risk factors that may increase their chances
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