Maternal knowledge of child development and quality of parenting among White, African-American and Hispanic mothers

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Abstract

This study examined the relationship between early maternal knowledge of child development and later quality of parenting behaviors. Differences by race/ethnic group were also examined. Mother–infant dyads (N=378) participated in the study. Mothers completed the Knowledge of Infant Development Inventory (KIDI) when the infant was 2–4 months, and mother–toddler dyads were videotaped in their homes at 16–18 months. The Home Observation for Measurement of the Environment Inventory (HOME), Parent/Caregiver Involvement Scale (P/CIS), and Nursing Child Assessment by Satellite Training (NCAST) were used to measure quality of mother–toddler interaction. A series of hierarchical multiple regression analyses was conducted controlling for confounding demographic variables. Results revealed no significant main effect of maternal correct estimation of child development on quality of parenting, but there was a significant main effect of maternal underestimation of child development on quality of parenting during a teaching task. There was also a significant interaction of maternal knowledge and race in relation to quality of parenting behavior. Implications for generalizability and interventions are discussed.

Introduction

Many developmental psychologists would agree that maternal cognitions play an important role in parenting and child development (Conrad et al., 1992, Damast et al., 1996, Fewell & Wheeden, 1998, Holden, 1995, MacPhee, 1981, Miller, 1988, Myers, 1982, Sigel & Kim, 1996, Sigel & McGillicuddy-De Lisi, 2002, Stoiber & Houghton, 1993). The study of maternal cognition has attracted increasing attention from researchers during the past two decades because it provides a framework for understanding parental actions and the processes of child development (Goodnow, 1996, Tamis-LeMonda et al., 2002).

Among different dimensions of maternal cognition, such as maternal “belief,” “judgment,” “idea,” “value,” “expectation,” and “knowledge” (Goodnow, 1996, McGillicuddy-DeLisi & Sigel, 1995) maternal knowledge is one of the important dimensions. Maternal knowledge has been defined as “the parent's understanding of developmental norms and milestones, processes of child development, and familiarity with caregiving skills” (Benasich & Brooks-Gunn, 1996, p. 1187). Several aspects of maternal knowledge have been studied, such as knowledge of the timing of developmental milestones, mothers' conceptions about how to parent, and what strategies to adopt during parent–child interactions (Goodnow, 2002, Stoiber & Houghton, 1993, Tamis-LeMonda et al., 2002).

One central conceptual model that guides the study of maternal knowledge and parenting is the cognitive–behavioral perspective. It is hypothesized that maternal knowledge about the processes of child development influences the ways in which mothers interpret the behavior of their children and how they interact with their children (Cote & Bornstein, 2001, Goodnow, 1988, Miller, 1988). Mothers who are knowledgeable about child development are more likely to create an environment that is appropriate to their children's development and/or more likely to interact with their children in more sensitive ways, which in turn will support their children's social and cognitive development (Goodnow, 1988, Sigel, 1992). In contrast, mothers who have unrealistic expectations about child development or a limited repertoire of knowledge for effectively interacting with their children may use more ineffective parenting strategies, such as harsh and inconsistent discipline, thus setting the stage for less optimal child development (Dukewich, Borkowski, & Weitman, 1996).

The influences of maternal knowledge on parenting have also been supported by research evidence. Mothers who judge their children's abilities more accurately have been found to construct more appropriate learning environments and to interact with their children with better sensitivity/quality (Miller, 1988). Maternal knowledge and expectations about developmental competencies influence the type of environment that mothers provide for their infants (MacPhee, 1981, McGillicuddy-DeLisi, 1982, Stevens, 1984). Mothers who have a more accurate estimate of infants' developmental milestones are more likely to talk, tell stories, and read to their babies. Knowledgeable and perceptive mothers structure an environment that is “matched” to the infant's level of development (Parks & Smeriglio, 1986, Stevens, 1984). Therefore, knowledgeable mothers are more likely to have children with better cognitive development (Dichtelmiller et al., 1992).

Several investigators also have reported that mothers who judge their children's abilities more accurately are more likely to interact with their children with greater sensitivity. Fry (1985) reported that adolescent mothers who have better knowledge of child development tend to interact more positively with their infants than adolescent mothers who have less developmental knowledge. Also, mothers with more knowledge of child development tend to use fewer love withdrawal and power assertive discipline strategies, and use more inductive reasoning (Smith, 2002). Mothers with distorted and unrealistic expectations about their children are more likely to abuse or use severe discipline with their children compared to mothers with more accurate child development expectations (Belsky, 1980, Dukewich et al., 1996, Hunt & Paraskevopoulos, 1980). It is likely that knowledgeable mothers provide warm and positive environments that promote emotional growth; therefore, knowledgeable mothers are more likely to have children with better social–emotional development, including better compliance (Smith, 2002).

Although numerous studies suggest that maternal knowledge is a significant component of promoting high-quality parenting, several limitations of this literature remain to be addressed. First, not all studies support the hypothesis that maternal knowledge promotes high quality of parenting. There are some studies that show no significant relation between maternal knowledge and parenting, especially for the studies that focus on predominantly White, well-educated, and middle-class mothers (Conrad et al., 1992, Myers, 1982). This suggests that the subgroup differences need to be further examined.

Because maternal knowledge has been shown to vary among different cultures and subcultures within the U.S. (Bornstein et al., 1996), and because research to date has remarkable little understanding of race/ethnicity differences on maternal knowledge and their impact on parenting, exploring race/ethnic similarities, and differences in the link between maternal knowledge and parenting is extremely important. Such studies can contribute to the literature of how culture/ethnicity shapes childrearing (e.g., Cote & Bornstein, 2001) and the development of effective and culturally sensitive prevention/intervention programs that meet the needs of a variety of minority populations.

Given the diverse cultures/subcultures that shape maternal cognition, some basic assumptions of maternal knowledge about child development processes may not be universal (Bornstein et al., 1996, Zepeda & Espinosa, 1988). For example, studies have found that maternal knowledge about the development of certain childhood capabilities varied with cultural affiliation and/or socioeconomic status (Miller, 1988, Zepeda & Espinosa, 1988). Savage & Gauvain (1998) studied European-American and Latino families and found that minority mothers who were more acculturated to the U.S. were more similar to European American mothers in their beliefs about child development. Also, Zepeda & Espinosa (1988) compared four ethnic groups of low-income mothers in the U.S. (Anglo, Black, US-born Hispanic, and foreign-born Hispanic parents) and found that foreign-born Hispanic mothers were more likely to underestimate their children's development (e.g., believe later attainment of behavioral skills, including motor and self-help skills and language abilities) than were either the U.S.-born Hispanic mothers or the Anglo and Black mothers. These findings suggest that maternal knowledge of child development in different cultural/ethnic groups may represent differences in beliefs regarding normal and acceptable behavior. The different maternal conceptualizations of normal and acceptable behavior in different groups may also lead to differences in maternal behavior (Cote & Bornstein, 2001). Therefore, the association between maternal knowledge of child development and parenting could be moderated by race/ethnicity.

The second limitation of the maternal knowledge literature is that most of the supporting evidence is based on high-risk samples (e.g., teen mothers, low-income families, first-time mothers, depressed mothers, mothers of premature babies). Findings from studies based on high-risk samples may not generalize to low-risk samples. For example, studies showed that teen/younger mothers were less knowledgeable about developmental milestones of young children than older mothers (Brooks-Gunn & Furstenberg, 1986, Hammond-Ratzlaff & Fulton, 2001, Karraker, 1996). Poverty and low socioeconomic status were found to be associated with lower levels of maternal knowledge (Benasich & Brooks-Gunn, 1996, Conrad et al., 1992, Stevens, 1984). In addition, maternal experience was related to parental knowledge. First-time mothers had less accurate knowledge of child development than experienced mothers (MacPhee, 1981). Moreover, mothers who reported higher symptoms of depression in the early postpartum period were found to have less accurate knowledge of child development (Veddovi, Kenny, Gibson, Bowen, & Starte, 2001). These findings reinforce the need for research based on samples that can be generalized to the larger population.

The third limitation of the maternal knowledge literature is that most studies have been based on only one measure of parenting behavior. Few studies have looked at maternal knowledge and quality of parenting in different contexts, such as teaching and free-play. Also, less attention has been given to systematically examining what domains of parenting behaviors were more likely to be influenced by improvement of maternal knowledge and what domains of parenting behavior were less likely to be influenced. Studying multiple dimensions of parenting behaviors will provide a better understanding about the link of maternal knowledge and parenting.

From an applied developmental science perspective, these questions have important implications. Knowledge gained in this area can contribute to the development of effective prevention/intervention programs that meet the needs of a variety of minority populations. For example, systematically studying the association between specific dimensions of parental knowledge and parenting behaviors (e.g., parent–child interaction) can help us understand which components of parental knowledge to target with interventions in order to see maximal improvement in the quality of mother–infant interaction. Such information can help us to design parenting programs that are implemented in a culturally sensitive manner.

In the present study, we sought to resolve some of the limitations in the literature and further investigate whether the association between maternal knowledge and parenting varies with race/ethnicity. Specifically, maternal knowledge was defined as maternal knowledge of developmental norms and milestones. Although, undoubtedly, other parental knowledge constructs are worthy of study, this dimension was selected because it has been the exclusive focus in many early intervention and parenting programs. Three different parenting behaviors were studied, including quality of home environment and quality of parent–toddler interaction in a teaching and a free-play context. In addition, this study was based on a relatively low-risk and culturally diverse sample. We examined how parental knowledge at 2–4 months relates to parenting behaviors at 16–18 months.

Three questions were addressed: (1) How does maternal knowledge vary by demographic characteristics (e.g., maternal education, age, race/ethnicity, depressive symptoms, and poverty)? (2) Does early maternal knowledge relate to later parenting behaviors? Do dimensions of maternal knowledge (e.g., correct estimation of development and incorrect estimation) relate to parenting behavior differently? (3) Are there racial/ethnic group differences in the association between maternal knowledge and parenting behavior?

Section snippets

Participants

Participants were drawn from The Healthy Steps for Young Children (Healthy Steps) Embedded Observational Study. The Healthy Steps Embedded Observational Study was a direct observational study of mother–child interaction nested within the National Evaluation of Healthy Steps. Healthy Steps was initiated in September 1996 as a pediatric-based parent support program for families of newborns. Families were followed from the child's birth until three years. Families at 15 sites across the country

Results

Characteristics of the participants are displayed in Table 1. More than half of the mothers were between age 20 and 29 at the time of the child's birth. Sixty-seven percent of the mothers were married. For 51% of the mothers, this was their first child. Because we were also interested in examining differences in knowledge among racial/ethnic groups, we examined demographic differences by race/ethnic group. In general, compared to White mothers, African-American and Hispanic mothers were

Discussion

We examined how mothers' knowledge of child development was related to specific parenting behaviors in a relatively low-risk sample. After adjusting for the effects of demographic characteristics, there were no significant relationships between the proportion of correct knowledge of child development and parenting behaviors. However, there was a significant association between the proportion of underestimation of child development and parenting behavior during a teaching task. We found that the

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      Caregivers’ knowledge of child development is a key predictor of child outcomes. Caregivers who are knowledgeable about child development are more likely to have proper expectations of their child, provide more effective parenting, create developmentally appropriate physical and learning environments to support and promote their child’s growth (Benasich & Brooks-Gunn, 1996; Dubow & Luster, 1990; Goodnow, 1988; Huang et al., 2005; Stevens, 1984). By contrast, caregivers with limited knowledge of child development are more likely to have parenting aggravation and the use of ineffective parenting strategies such as harsh discipline or even child maltreatment (Azar & Rohrbeck, 1996; Dukewich et al., 1996; Huang et al., 2005).

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    This research is based on data collected from the Healthy Steps for Young Children Program, which was funded by the William T. Grant Foundation, The Amarillo Area Foundation, The Duke Endowment, The Hogg Foundation and The McLeod Foundation. Keng-Yen Huang is now at the NYU Child Study Center, New York University School of Medicine.

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