Ready to die: a postmodern interpretation of the increase of African-American adolescent male suicide
Introduction
The primary purpose of this paper is to offer a theoretical explanation for the increase in African-American adolescent male suicides, integrating theories of suicide, postmodern society, with respect to African-American culture. Its secondary purpose is to suggest directions for future research on this topic. This will entail synthesizing classical and postmodern social theories to provide a contemporary sociological understanding of suicide. We offer (1) a review of Durkheim's theory of suicide, noting its shortcomings in describing African-American adolescent male suicide; (2) an overview of late modern and postmodern theory according to Ulrich Beck and Zygmunt Bauman, and the role of postmodern conditions with regard to suicide; (3) a critique of classical and postmodern theories with respect to children and adolescents; (4) a review of the literature on the African-American community and its increasing vulnerability to suicide; and (5) a synthesis of classical, modern, and postmodern social theory explaining the increase of African-American Adolescent male suicide, and directions for future research.
Suicide is defined by O’Carroll et al. (1996, pp. 246–247) as “death from injury, poisoning or suffocation where there is evidence that the injury was self inflicted and that the decedent intended to kill himself/herself”. Today's societies continue to experience periods of rapid exponential change due to improvements in communications and transportation, economic growth, and increases in population density. As these changes occur, deeper underlying, societal transformations take place. Social theorists like Beck (1992) and Bauman (1991), Bauman (1992), Bauman (1995) view society as being in a transition period from the modern to the postmodern, “Just as modernization dissolved the structure of feudal society in the nineteenth century and produced the industrial society, modernization today is dissolving industrial society and another modernization is coming into being” (Beck, 1992, p. 10). These considerable transformations cause many individuals stress, as they must adapt to rapidly changing and increasingly unpredictable circumstances. Moreover, these social changes may greatly weaken the individual's bond with society resulting in states of normlessness, helplessness, and hopelessness. These developments, in turn, may increase the risk of suicide.
Traditionally, African-Americans, regardless of socio-economic status (SES), registered lower rates of suicide than other ethnic groups in the United States (Bingham, Bennion, Openshaw, & Adams, 1994). Previous research suggests that African-American cultural characteristics, like high levels of religiosity and collectivism, served as protection against suicide (Lester, 1998; Shaffer, Gould, & Hicks, 1994). Over the course of the last 20 years, this pattern has changed significantly, particularly among children and youth aged 10–19 (National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, 1998). As of 1995, suicide was the third leading cause of death among African-Americans males aged 15–19 (American Association of Suicidology, 1996). Data from the National Center for Health Statistics from 1980 to 1995 reveal an increasing incidence and susceptibility of African-American adolescent males to suicide. Data in Table 1 indicate that the rate of suicide has more than doubled among African-American males aged 10–19. For the first time, young African-American males are almost as likely to commit suicide as their White peers.
Table 2 reveals that during the same 15-year period, homicide rates also increased dramatically. Understanding the increase in homicide is important given the relationship between homicide and suicide that Durkheim and other theorists have observed. In his book on suicide, Durkheim speculated that the same social conditions that precipitate suicide may lead to high levels of homicide (Durkheim, 1979).
Contemporary researchers have taken this relationship further and theorized that many homicides are another form of suicide. Studies like those of Wolfgang (1959), Farberow (1977), Gibbs (1988), Firestone (1997), and the SEIC (1999) have speculated that some homicides are victim-precipitated, meaning an actor intentionally places himself or herself in a position where he or she is likely to be slain by another. The most common forms of victim-precipitated homicide are by legal intervention (lethal force used by law enforcement, e.g. police officer, security guard) and victim-acquaintance precipitated homicide (whereby a suicidal person knowingly and deliberately provokes someone familiar to kill him or her) (Wolfgang, 1959). Thus, some homicides and suicides may be related because both are potentially self-inflicted with suicide being the most overt type of self-destruction (Holinger & Klemen, 1982). Because of this it may be important to examine changes in homicide rates for certain populations when analyzing changes in their suicide rates. In any case, increasing suicide and homicide rates both reflect major social changes affecting African-American communities.
An explanation for the increase in suicide is needed particularly since suicide prevention programs are relatively ineffective in preventing suicide in the African-American community (CDC, 1998; Gibbs, 1997; Lester, 1998). The shortfall of existing interventions may be due to lack of proper respect being paid to cultural differences (particularly the culture of risk), as well as differences in resiliency (Barbarin, 1993). Thus, some risk factors generally associated with suicide and suicidal behaviors may not apply among African-American youth such as increased education, and school-related problems like poor grades and peer rejection, greater wealth, lower fertility, and previous suicide attempts (Burr, Hartman, & Matheson, 1999; Garland & Zigler, 1993; Lester, 1998). Risk factors for suicide that African-American youth do share with other groups are depression, impulsive/aggressive behaviors, as well as extreme social isolation and unemployment (West, 1997; Brown et al., 1995; Feldman & Wilson, 1997). Since traditional programs in place for the general adolescent population are ineffective for African-American youth there is a need to develop culturally sensitive interventions. However, in order to develop effective interventions that take the cultural context and circumstances of African-American youth into account, research is needed to identify risk factors uniquely associated with African-American male suicide, for example, the manner in which racism, through discrimination, impacts on mental health thereby increasing suicide risk (Poussaint & Alexander, 2000; Clark, Anderson, Clark, & Williams, 1999). Given the limited theoretical and empirical knowledge about African-American suicide, it may also be time to re-evaluate and move beyond traditional theories and conceptualizations of suicide to recognize that the catalyst of this phenomenon is the societal transition from modernity to postmodernity.
Section snippets
Durkheim's theory of suicide
To begin understanding the phenomenon of suicide in general and of African-American adolescent suicide in particular, we must examine the pioneering work of Emile Durkheim. Durkheim's (1979) theory essentially states that suicide is related to an individual's level of societal integration as well as his/her ability to cope with social stress resulting from rapid social change. He conceptualized four types of suicide: (1) Altruistic Suicide—the result of a code of behavior requiring that someone
Postmodern social theories
The modern era began in early 17th century Europe and was in full swing by the mid-19th century as industrialization progressed (Cockerham, 1995, p. 156). Postmodern theorists view the modern era as continuing until the early 1970s. During the 1970s they believe that there was a decline in rational problem solving in the arena of governmental decision-making. Consequently, the era of “big” government and grand solutions to social problems gradually came to an end. This change ushered in the
African-American communities in postmodernity
African-American communities have experienced significant changes throughout the late modern and postmodern years leaving its individuals more vulnerable to suicide than ever before. As discussed earlier, these changes may be particularly hard on children and adolescents who generally have fewer resources to help them cope with complex economic and social changes taking place at the societal level. To understand the recent changes in African-American culture, it is necessary to explore the
Summary and discussion
Durkheim (1979) provided us with a theory of suicide which states that levels of social integration facilitate or prevent three types of suicide. He found that individuals use traditional institutions as guides to the complexities of everyday life, through periods of societal transition where social structure breaks down or changes. From Beck we learn the importance of minimizing and controlling risk in a “risky” or “risk-prone”, postmodern society. Bauman provides us with an explanation of how
Directions for future research
To properly understand African-American adolescent suicide and how to prevent it, future research needs to be concentrated in several areas.I. Further research on African-American suicide is needed since very few risk factors have been identified or verified. Some of the risk factors mentioned earlier are depression, impulsive aggressive behaviors, and underemployment. Another risk factor (that African-Americans share with Whites) is the utilization of mental health services (Kung et al., 1998).
Conclusion
Adolescent suicide is one of the leading causes of death internationally (WHO, 1999). The argument of the difficult transition to and existence within postmodernity provided here is generalizable to the international adolescent population since most industrialized countries are moving toward a postmodern state. Therefore, it could be argued that all adolescents may face the same risks and social stressors regardless of the particular society they live in, and thus be at an elevated risk for
Acknowledgements
We gratefully acknowledge the following people: Alex Crosby and LeRoy Resse of the Centers for Disease Control; Patricia Drentea, Leslie Clark, Kevin Fitzpatrick, Lee Green, Ferris Ritchey of the University of Alabama, Birmingham; Donna Barnes of Southwest Texas State University; and anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments and advice.
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