Predicting the child-rearing practices of mothers sexually abused in childhood☆, ☆☆

Abstract

Objective: Although empirical investigations have established a relationship between childhood sexual abuse and numerous long-term consequences, surprisingly little research has addressed the possible effects of childhood victimization on the later child-rearing practices of adult survivors. The present study examined hypothesized predictors of three parenting styles among adult survivors of sexual abuse as compared with adult children of alcoholic parents.

Method: Forty-five clinical outpatients completed a questionnaire battery assessing experiences of childhood abuse, current economic and social resources, and parenting attitudes and practices. The child-rearing practices of participants were compared with those reported by a community sample of 717 mothers. Additional analyses examined the extent to which sexual abuse and its adult sequelae predicted the parenting behaviors reported by the present sample.

Results: Both sexual abuse survivors and children of alcoholics reported significantly higher rates of permissive parenting practices than mothers in the community sample. Multiple regression analyses further revealed unique relationships between sexual abuse and parenting, over and above the variance explained by physical abuse, current socioeconomic status, and the experience of growing up in an alcoholic home. Mothers’ sexual abuse severity, social support satisfaction, and dysfunctional parenting attitudes moderated several of these relationships.

Conclusions: The present findings suggest that sexual abuse and its adult sequelae may have negative consequences for the parenting practices of survivors, particularly for survivors’ ability to providetheir children with appropriate structure, consistent discipline, and clear behavioral expectations. Implications for the psychosocial development of survivors’ children are discussed.

Résumé

Objectif: Bien que la recherche empirique ait établi une relation entre les abus sexuels connus dans l’enfance et de nombreuses conséquences à long terme, on est surpris de constater que l’on se soit peu penché sur les effets possibles de la victimisation de l’enfant sur les pratiques éducatives des adultes qui ont survécu (“survivors”). Cette étude examine l’hypothèse de la prédiction de trois styles éducatifs chez les adultes ayant survécu aux abus sexuels comparés aux adultes ayant été enfants de parents alcooliques.

Méthode: 44 patientes d’une consultation externe ont rempli une batterie de questionnaires destinés à évaluer leur expérience d’enfant abusé sexuellement, leurs ressources sociales et économiques courantes, ainsi que leurs attitudes et leurs pratiques en tant que parents. Les participantes furent comparées quant à leur façon d’élever leurs enfants avec un échantillon communautaire de 717 mères. Des analyses supplémentaires ont examiné jusqu’où les abus sexuels et leurs séquelles pouvaient prédire les comportements parentaux dont faisait état l’échantillon mentionné.

Résultats: A la fois les parents “survivants” des abus sexuels et les enfants d’alcooliques ont fait état de taux significativement plus élevés de comportements parentaux permissifs que les mères de l’échantillon communautaire. Les analyses par régression multiple ont révélé par la suite une relation particulière entre les abus sexuels subis et la parentalité, bien au-dessus de la variance expliquée par les abus sexuels, par le statut socio-économique courant ainsi que par l’expérience d’avoir grandi dans un famille alcolique. La gravité des abus sexuels subis par les mères, le soutien social rencontré ainsi que les attitudes parentales dysfonctionnelles ont modéré plusieurs de ces relations.

Conclusions: Les résultats actuels sugèrent que les abus sexuels et leurs séquelles chez l’adulte peuvent entrainer des conséquences sur les pratiques des adultes survivants, particulièrement en ce qui concerne la capacité à élever leurs enfants de façon structurée, avec une discipline cohérente ainsi qu’avec des attentes claires concernant leur comportement. Les implications au sujet du développement des enfants de ces parents sont discutées.

Resumen

Objetivo: Aunque la investigación empı́rica ha establecido una relación entre el abuso sexual infantil y múltiples consecuencias a largo plazo, sorprendentemente hay poca investigación que aborde los posibles efectos de la victimización infantil en las prácticas de crianza infantil de esos niños/as en el estado adulto. Este estudio analizó un conjunto de posibles predictores de tres estilos de “paternidad/maternidad” entre sujetos adultos que habı́an sufrido abuso sexual en su infancia y sujetos adultos hijos de padres/madres alcohólicos.

Método: Cuarenta y cinco pacientes psiquiátricos ambulatorios completaron una baterı́a de cuestionarios que evaluaban sus experiencias de abuso sexual infantil, sus recursos económicos y sociales actuales, y sus actitudes y conductas como padres/madres. Se compararon las prácticas de crianza infantil de los participantes en el estudio con las prácticas de crianza de una muestra comunitaria de 717 madres. Otros análisis examinaron la medida en la cual el abuso sexual en la infancia y sus secuelas en la madurez predecı́an las conductas de estos adultos hacia sus hijos/as.

Resultados: Tanto los adultos abusados sexualmente en su infancia como los adultos hijos de alcohólicos informaron tener una tasa significativamente más alta de conductas parentales permisivas que las madres de la muestra comunitaria. Los análisis de regresión múltiple mostraron además la existencia de relaciones únicas entre el abuso sexual infantil y las prácticas de crianza en el estado adulto, más allá de la varianza explicada por el maltrato fı́sico, el estatus socioeconómico actual, y la experiencia de crecer en un hogar alcohólico. La severidad del abuso sexual, la satisfacción con el soporte social, y las actitudes parentales disfuncionales de las madres moderaban algunas de estas relaciones.

Conclusiones: Estos resultados sugieren que el abuso sexual y sus secuelas en la madurez pueden tener consecuencias negativas en las conductas parentales de los adultos, especialmente en la capacidad de los adultos para proporcionar a sus hijos un marco de referencia apropiado, una disciplina consistente, y expectativas claras respecto a su conducta. Se comentan las implicaciones para el desarrollo psicosocial de los hijos de estos adultos.

Introduction

In the last 25 years, the problem of child sexual abuse has become a leading concern among mental health professionals and a critical area of new research (Cole & Putnam, 1992). Epidemiologic studies suggest that perhaps one-third of women and one-sixth of men in the United States have experienced contact sexual abuse before age 18 Finkelhor 1979, Finkelhor et al 1989, Russell 1986, Wyatt 1986, estimates that are particularly disturbing in light of growing evidence linking childhood sexual victimization with considerable long-term emotional and interpersonal impairment Browne and Finkelhor 1986, Neumann et al 1996. Adult survivors of sexual abuse report higher rates of depression Bagley and Ramsay 1985, Peters 1984, anxiety Briere 1984, Sedney and Brooks 1984, self-mutilation and suicidality (Sedney & Brooks, 1984), substance abuse Brown and Anderson 1991, Ladwig and Anderson 1989, and dissociation (Chu & Dill, 1990) than nonabused adults. Moreover, adult survivors often experience significant interpersonal difficulties, including problems relating to and trusting others Briere 1984, Briere and Runtz 1988; conflict with parents, peers, and romantic partners Briere and Runtz 1988, DeYoung 1982, Meiselman 1978; feelings of stigmatization and isolation from others Courtois 1979, Herman 1981; and perceptions of being markedly different from others (Harter, Alexander, & Neimeyer, 1988).

Given the prevalence of child sexual abuse and the extent of its impact, it is critical that research address the implications of sexual abuse not only for those who have been victimized, but also for others who may be affected secondarily. As survivors reach adulthood, many have children of their own, and these children may be vulnerable to the negative consequences of their parents’ prior abuse. Past findings suggest that sexual abuse—and the impairment with which it is associated—may exacerbate the stresses of parenting, reduce available energy for parenting activities, and weaken important social supports, making the tasks of child-rearing particularly difficult. However, surprisingly little research has systematically compared the child-rearing practices of sexual abuse survivors with those of nonabused parents.

Cole and her colleagues Cole and Woolger 1989, Cole et al 1992 conducted two studies investigating the parenting attitudes and experiences of abuse survivors. The first study, which compared the child-rearing attitudes of incest and nonincest sexual abuse survivors, found that incest survivors expected their children to become autonomous more rapidly than did survivors of nonincest abuse. This effect was particularly strong for incest survivors who perceived their own mother as negatively controlling or uninvolved (Cole & Woolger, 1989). The second study compared the parenting experiences of incest survivors with those of adult children of alcoholic fathers and a nonrisk group of mothers (Cole et al., 1992). Both incest survivors and children of alcoholics reported less confidence and a lesser sense of control as parents than nonrisk mothers. Incest survivors also reported less spousal support in parental tasks, less consistency and organization in their parenting, and fewer demands of mature behavior from their children than mothers in either comparison group.

Two observational studies have been conducted with survivors of sexual abuse and their children. Burkett (1991) observed the interactions of female incest survivors and nonabused mothers with their children on four laboratory tasks. She found that sexually abused mothers exhibited more role reversal with their children than mothers in the comparison group, including greater focus on themselves and less focus on their children, less affirmation of independence in their children, and greater reliance on children for companionship and emotional support. Lyons-Ruth and Block (1996) observed at-home interactions of low-income mothers and their infants. Relative to mothers with benign or neglectful childhoods and mothers who witnessed violence in childhood, mothers with histories of sexual and/or physical abuse evidenced very low levels of maternal involvement and high levels of infant distress. Moreover, sexual abuse was found to be the strongest correlate of decreased maternal involvement with infants, with sexually abused mothers spending less time with their infants and exhibiting disengagement and flat affect while interacting with them. Finally, in a recent qualitative study, Kreklewetz and Piotrowski (1998) interviewed 16 incest survivors about the strategies that they employed to protect their preadolescent and adolescent daughters from victimization. They found that these mothers were often fearful and overprotective, heavily supervising and monitoring their daughters’ activities at home and in social activities with peers.

These studies are suggestive of parenting difficulties among sexual abuse survivors and indicate a need for additional research in this area. However, these investigations were limited in several important ways. First, each of the studies examined isolated dimensions of parenting attitudes and behaviors (e.g., autonomy promotion, role reversal, protective behavior) which—though relevant and meaningful—did not permit a broader evaluation of global parenting styles exhibited by abuse survivors. Developmental theorists generally agree that parenting is most accurately represented by the combined effects of multiple dimensions of child-rearing behavior within global parenting styles (Lamborn, Mounts, Steinberg, & Dornbusch, 1991). Second, the studies focused almost exclusively on the parenting experiences of abuse survivors, yielding important information about survivors themselves but generating fewer predictions about the consequences of these attitudes and behaviors for survivors’ children. Third, although two of the studies Cole et al 1992, Lyons-Ruth and Block 1996 included clinical comparison groups that helped to identify parenting problems specific to sexual abuse survivors, none of the studies isolated unique relationships between sexual abuse and parenting, above and beyond variance explained by other abuse experiences and by family-of-origin dysfunction, as methodological reviews have recommended Briere 1992, Browne and Finkelhor 1986. Fourth, the studies failed to assess additional experiences that might buffer or exacerbate parental difficulty, such as specific characteristics of the abuse or aspects of survivors’ psychosocial functioning.

The present study sought to examine the relationship between childhood sexual abuse and three global, multidimensional parenting styles predictive of psychosocial competence in children. In an effort to improve upon the methods of past investigations, the present study examined the unique relationship between sexual abuse and specific parenting practices, over and above the variance explained by family-of-origin dysfunction, physical abuse severity, and current socioeconomic status. Furthermore, the study also investigated indirect associations between sexual abuse and parenting.

The present research utilized Baumrind’s widely investigated typology of authoritarian, authoritative, and permissive parenting styles to assess survivors’ child-rearing practices Baumrind 1967, Baumrind 1971, Baumrind 1972, Baumrind 1989. Authoritarian parenting is characterized by attempts to control the behaviors and attitudes of children in accordance with absolute standards, valuing obedience and using punitive methods to punish deviation from rules. Authoritative parents consistently enforce high standards for their children but are also highly supportive of and responsive to them, respecting their children’s opinions and interests while providing them with stimulation and challenge. Permissive parents affirm their children’s desires but avoid actively shaping child behaviors through parental direction, allowing children to regulate their own activities without holding them to external standards of conduct or maturity. Three decades of research have revealed many advantages of authoritative parenting over authoritarian and permissive approaches, linking authoritative practices to academic success; prosocial behavior; positive relationships with parents, peers, and teachers; high self-esteem; psychosocial maturity; social and cognitive agency; lack of antisocial behavior; and mental health Baumrind 1967, Baumrind 1977, Dekovic and Janssens 1992, Hall and Bracken 1996, Lamborn et al 1991, Maccoby and Martin 1983, Mantzicopoulos and Oh-Hwang 1998, Taylor et al 1995. Thus, individuals’ parenting styles can be used to predict the likely psychosocial adjustment of their children.

One goal of the present study was to determine whether the parenting practices employed by sexual abuse survivors differed from those of mothers in the community. To this end, rates of authoritarian, authoritative, and permissive practices reported by mothers in the present sample were compared with those of mothers in a large community sample. Given the negative consequences commonly linked with childhood sexual abuse, it was hypothesized that a history of sexual abuse would be associated with greater use of authoritarian and permissive practices and decreased use of authoritative practices.

A second goal of the study was to determine whether sexual abuse was a unique predictor of parenting practices, above and beyond other experiences commonly associated with sexual abuse. In order to distinguish the specific effects of sexual abuse from the effects of growing up in a dysfunctional family environment, a comparison group of adult children of alcoholics with no history of sexual abuse was included in the study. As many sexual abuse survivors are also children of alcoholic parents, this comparison was regarded as particularly appropriate. In addition, two variables were used as covariates to further isolate unique correlates of sexual abuse: (a) childhood physical abuse, which frequently co-occurs with sexual abuse; and (b) adult socioeconomic status (SES), which has been associated with both child abuse sequelae and parenting practices in past research Hess 1970, Hoff-Ginsberg and Tardif 1995, Russell et al 1988. It was hypothesized that sexual abuse would uniquely predict the three parenting styles, above and beyond the variance explained by childhood physical abuse, current SES, and growing up in a dysfunctional (alcoholic) family environment.

A third goal of the present study was to determine whether a specific characteristic of mothers’ sexual abuse experiences, the severity of the abuse, moderated the relationship between sexual abuse and parenting. In research with adolescent survivors of sexual abuse, abuse involving penetration has been associated with higher rates of psychological disturbance and negative behaviors and lower rates of self-esteem than nonpenetration abuse Mennen and Meadow 1995, Morrow and Sorell 1989. Among adults, penetration is one of the most powerful predictors of the severity of mental health problems (Bagley & Ramsay, 1986) and of emotional, sexual, and relationship difficulties following the abuse experience (Wyatt & Newcomb, 1990). Because sexual abuse severity was regarded as an exploratory variable in this study, no specific hypotheses were proposed for its association with parenting practices.

The final goal of the present study was to examine aspects of survivors’ psychosocial adjustment through which sexual abuse might indirectly affect parenting. First, there is extensive evidence that social networks—including extended family members, friends, and community resources—serve as an important source of stability and security for parents. These networks provide emotional support, economic assistance, and help with child care and are associated with heightened parental sensitivity and nurturing Crockenberg 1987, Halpern 1990, McLoyd 1990. Given the interpersonal problems with which sexual abuse is often associated, it was expected that sexual abuse would be associated with diminished levels of social support, and that diminished social support would, in turn, contribute to decreased authoritative parenting practices and increased authoritarian and permissive practices. Second, clinical accounts and past research suggest that sexual abuse survivors are more likely than nonabused mothers to hold specific parenting attitudes that may compromise effective parenting. Such attitudes include low confidence in parenting abilities Cole et al 1992, Herman 1981, role reversal with children (Burkett, 1991), promotion of early child autonomy (Cole & Woolger, 1989), and excessive concerns about child safety (Kreklewetz & Piotrowski, 1998). Sexual abuse was therefore expected to have an indirect, negative influence on parenting behavior through its association with these “dysfunctional” parenting attitudes.